I’m a Tariff Man

 

From the President’s Twitter account: “President Xi and I want this deal to happen, and it probably will. But if not remember … I am a Tariff Man.”

“When people or countries come in to raid the great wealth of our Nation, I want them to pay for the privilege of doing so,” the president wrote. “It will always be the best way to max out our economic power. We are right now taking in $billions in Tariffs. MAKE AMERICA RICH AGAIN.”

The mocking reactions were predictable enough from both the right and the left. It’s interesting, too. From the left it seems we’ve finally found a tax the Democrats don’t want to embrace and a willingness to tell unionized industrial workers in America to go pound sand. From the right, we’ve finally found an issue where they’re willing to say that Ronald Reagan was full of it.

“Wait a minute,” you say. “NAFTA had its roots in the Reagan Administration!” True enough, but Reagan’s was also a presidency full of protectionist tariffs and policies*:

  • Forced Japan to accept restraints on auto exports;
  • Tightened considerably the quotas on imported sugar;
  • Negotiated to increase the restrictiveness of the Multi­fiber Arrangement governing trade in textiles and apparel;
  • Required 18 countries, including Brazil, Spain, South Korea, Japan, Mexico, South Africa, Finland, Australia, and the European Community, to accept “voluntary re­straint agreements” that reduce their steel imports to the United States;
  • Imposed a 45% duty on Japanese motorcycles for the ben­efit of Harley Davidson, which admitted that superior Japanese management was the cause of its problems;
  • Raised tariffs on Canadian lumber and cedar shingles;
  • Forced the Japanese into an agreement to control the price of computer memory chips;
  • Removed third-world countries on several occasions from the duty-free import program for developing nations;
  • Pressed Japan to force its automakers to buy more Ameri­can-made parts;
  • Demanded that Taiwan, West Germany, Japan, and Switzerland restrain their exports of machine tools;
  • Accused the Japanese of dumping roller bearings on grounds so that the price did not rise to cover a fall in the value of the yen;
  • Accused the Japanese of dumping forklift trucks and color picture tubes;
  • Extended quotas on imported clothes pins;
  • Failed to ask Congress to end the ban on the export of Alaskan oil and timber cut from federal lands;
  • Redefined dumping so domestic firms can more easily charge foreign competitors with unfair trade practices;
  • Beefed-up the Export-Import Bank, an institution dedicated to distorting the American economy at the ex­pense of the American people in order to artificially pro­mote exports of eight large corporations.

This was not out of character for Reagan. In the 1980 Republican Platform his ideals toward trade was laid out in clear and simple language. “The [Carter] Administration’s inability to ensure fairness and equity between our nation and some of our trading partners has resulted in massive unemployment in many core industries. As we meet in Detroit, this Party takes special notice that among the hardest hit have been the automotive workers whose jobs are now targeted by aggressive foreign competition. Much of this problem is a result of the present Administration’s inability to negotiate foreign trade agreements which do not jeopardize American jobs. We will take steps to ensure competitiveness of our domestic industries to protect American jobs.” (Emphasis mine.)

As international trade agreements began to be hammered out, through the Republican Administrations of the two Bushes and the Democratic Administrations of Clinton and Obama, how did this work out? Not so well? Hey, these jobs are gone and ain’t coming back. No Reaganite worth his salt would embrace Trump’s tariffs, right?

Again, from the ’80 Reagan platform with my emphasis:

The Republican Party believes that protectionist tariffs and quotas are detrimental to our economic well-being. Nevertheless, we insist that our trading partners offer our nation the same level of equity, access, and fairness that we have shown them. The mutual benefits of trade require that it be conducted in the spirit of reciprocity. The Republican Party will consider appropriate measures necessary to restore equal and fair competition between ourselves and our trading partners.

If you asked any conservative if we should unilaterally disarm militarily they would rightfully look at you as if you had grown a second head. Yet, they will insist on complete unilateral disarmament in trade. But, Trump, right?

*Source: Mises Institute

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  1. Stina Member
    Stina
    @CM

    Joseph Stanko (View Comment):
    Should we respond with mirror subsidies to our own industries? Of course we already heavily subsidize agriculture, a practice many of our trading partners complain about (and one I wish we could eliminate).

    I’d rather raise the tarriff on such offenders then subsidize our industry.

    But that makes prices even higher.

    However, if the higher prices are for the right reasons – labor cost, production inefficiency – higher costs could lead to more innovation and maybe dealing with other stupid policies.

    • #211
  2. HeavyWater Inactive
    HeavyWater
    @HeavyWater

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):
    I don’t see immigration and trade as being necessarily connected. As a practical matter, a nation can have zero import tariffs (with exceptions for Iran and other nations of that ilk) and have restrictions on immigration.

    Tariffs raise the cost of imported goods.

    Immigration restrictions raise the cost of imported labor.

    *IF* someone’s argument against tariffs is the purely economic “They make things more expensive for the consumer, and therefore they are an absolute evil and no other reasons for having tariffs can be considered legitimate”, then I would like an explanation of the difference between that and open immigration.

    Immigration is the movement of human beings.  Trade is the movement of goods and services.  

    Television sets don’t have the right to claim welfare benefits, to sit on juries or vote in elections.  People do.  

    So, the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican television sets into the United States is weaker than the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican immigrants into the United States.

    That said.  I am not opposed to all immigration.  And I do support restrictions on trade with Iran.

    There is no need to take an absolutist position on either trade or immigration.  But unless you think shoes should have the right vote, you shouldn’t as opposed to imported shoes as you are to imported people. 

     

     

    • #212
  3. Miffed White Male Member
    Miffed White Male
    @MiffedWhiteMale

    HeavyWater (View Comment):

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):
    I don’t see immigration and trade as being necessarily connected. As a practical matter, a nation can have zero import tariffs (with exceptions for Iran and other nations of that ilk) and have restrictions on immigration.

    Tariffs raise the cost of imported goods.

    Immigration restrictions raise the cost of imported labor.

    *IF* someone’s argument against tariffs is the purely economic “They make things more expensive for the consumer, and therefore they are an absolute evil and no other reasons for having tariffs can be considered legitimate”, then I would like an explanation of the difference between that and open immigration.

    Immigration is the movement of human beings. Trade is the movement of goods and services.

    Television sets don’t have the right to claim welfare benefits, to sit on juries or vote in elections. People do.

    So, the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican television sets into the United States is weaker than the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican immigrants into the United States.

    That said. I am not opposed to all immigration. And I do support restrictions on trade with Iran.

    There is no need to take an absolutist position on either trade or immigration. But unless you think shoes should have the right vote, you shouldn’t as opposed to imported shoes as you are to imported people.

     

     

    You keep confusing rights of citizenship (jury duty, voting, etc) with immigration.   The two are not synonymous.

     

    • #213
  4. HeavyWater Inactive
    HeavyWater
    @HeavyWater

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):
    I don’t see immigration and trade as being necessarily connected. As a practical matter, a nation can have zero import tariffs (with exceptions for Iran and other nations of that ilk) and have restrictions on immigration.

    Tariffs raise the cost of imported goods.

    Immigration restrictions raise the cost of imported labor.

    *IF* someone’s argument against tariffs is the purely economic “They make things more expensive for the consumer, and therefore they are an absolute evil and no other reasons for having tariffs can be considered legitimate”, then I would like an explanation of the difference between that and open immigration.

    Immigration is the movement of human beings. Trade is the movement of goods and services.

    Television sets don’t have the right to claim welfare benefits, to sit on juries or vote in elections. People do.

    So, the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican television sets into the United States is weaker than the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican immigrants into the United States.

    That said. I am not opposed to all immigration. And I do support restrictions on trade with Iran.

    There is no need to take an absolutist position on either trade or immigration. But unless you think shoes should have the right vote, you shouldn’t as opposed to imported shoes as you are to imported people.

     

     

    You keep confusing rights of citizenship (jury duty, voting, etc) with immigration. The two are not synonymous.

    We could discuss the idea of letting people immigrate to the country but not letting them be citizens.  We could discuss work visas.  

    But as a practical matter, immigration does entail granting citizenship to them.  

    Even if we set the citizenship issue aside, people are not television sets.  People are not shoes.  

    One can be in favor of allowing Korean shoes into the country, the number of which would be set by the free play of supply and demand, while wanting only 50,000 Korean immigrants into the country.

    If the distinction between shoes and people doesn’t cut it for you, we have reached an impasse.  

    • #214
  5. Miffed White Male Member
    Miffed White Male
    @MiffedWhiteMale

    HeavyWater (View Comment):

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):
    I don’t see immigration and trade as being necessarily connected. As a practical matter, a nation can have zero import tariffs (with exceptions for Iran and other nations of that ilk) and have restrictions on immigration.

    Tariffs raise the cost of imported goods.

    Immigration restrictions raise the cost of imported labor.

    *IF* someone’s argument against tariffs is the purely economic “They make things more expensive for the consumer, and therefore they are an absolute evil and no other reasons for having tariffs can be considered legitimate”, then I would like an explanation of the difference between that and open immigration.

    Immigration is the movement of human beings. Trade is the movement of goods and services.

    Television sets don’t have the right to claim welfare benefits, to sit on juries or vote in elections. People do.

    So, the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican television sets into the United States is weaker than the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican immigrants into the United States.

    That said. I am not opposed to all immigration. And I do support restrictions on trade with Iran.

    There is no need to take an absolutist position on either trade or immigration. But unless you think shoes should have the right vote, you shouldn’t as opposed to imported shoes as you are to imported people.

     

     

    You keep confusing rights of citizenship (jury duty, voting, etc) with immigration. The two are not synonymous.

    We could discuss the idea of letting people immigrate to the country but not letting them be citizens. We could discuss work visas.

    But as a practical matter, immigration does entail granting citizenship to them.

    Even if we set the citizenship issue aside, people are not television sets. People are not shoes.

    One can be in favor of allowing Korean shoes into the country, the number of which would be set by the free play of supply and demand, while wanting only 50,000 Korean immigrants into the country.

    If the distinction between shoes and people doesn’t cut it for you, we have reached an impasse.

    I am perfectly comfortable with the idea that there are other considerations besides pure economics when it comes to allowing people [Labor] to enter the country.

    But I also believe the same is true of other imports [goods].

     

     

    • #215
  6. HeavyWater Inactive
    HeavyWater
    @HeavyWater

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    HeavyWater (View Comment):
    I don’t see immigration and trade as being necessarily connected. As a practical matter, a nation can have zero import tariffs (with exceptions for Iran and other nations of that ilk) and have restrictions on immigration.

    Tariffs raise the cost of imported goods.

    Immigration restrictions raise the cost of imported labor.

    *IF* someone’s argument against tariffs is the purely economic “They make things more expensive for the consumer, and therefore they are an absolute evil and no other reasons for having tariffs can be considered legitimate”, then I would like an explanation of the difference between that and open immigration.

    Immigration is the movement of human beings. Trade is the movement of goods and services.

    Television sets don’t have the right to claim welfare benefits, to sit on juries or vote in elections. People do.

    So, the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican television sets into the United States is weaker than the argument for restricting the flow of Mexican immigrants into the United States.

    That said. I am not opposed to all immigration. And I do support restrictions on trade with Iran.

    There is no need to take an absolutist position on either trade or immigration. But unless you think shoes should have the right vote, you shouldn’t as opposed to imported shoes as you are to imported people.

     

     

    You keep confusing rights of citizenship (jury duty, voting, etc) with immigration. The two are not synonymous.

    We could discuss the idea of letting people immigrate to the country but not letting them be citizens. We could discuss work visas.

    But as a practical matter, immigration does entail granting citizenship to them.

    Even if we set the citizenship issue aside, people are not television sets. People are not shoes.

    One can be in favor of allowing Korean shoes into the country, the number of which would be set by the free play of supply and demand, while wanting only 50,000 Korean immigrants into the country.

    If the distinction between shoes and people doesn’t cut it for you, we have reached an impasse.

    I am perfectly comfortable with the idea that there are other considerations besides pure economics when it comes to allowing people [Labor] to enter the country.

    But I also believe the same is true of other imports [goods].

    I agree.  As I mentioned, I support trade restrictions with Iran for national security reasons.

    • #216
  7. kedavis Coolidge
    kedavis
    @kedavis

    Miffed White Male (View Comment):

    Ed G. (View Comment):

    Here’s another thought: if we’re going to take an absolutist position on tariffs out of fidelity to freedom to choose, then do we need to take an absolutist position on immigration too?

    Even if we want more immigration, is there ever a scenario where threatening restrictions might be useful for international negotiation of trade policies?

    Immigration is an interesting analog. Once could consider immigration restrictions to be parallel to tariffs.

    What’s the fundamental difference between restricting/raising the cost of imported goods, and restricting/raising the cost of imported labor?

    Keeping out tens of millions of cheap laborers from Mexico and Central/South America (or Sweden) prevents me from getting the lowest possible price on Lawn care/construction labor or hot Swedish Au Pairs providing child care.

    Logically if you’re in favor of zero tariffs because they raise the cost of goods to the consumer, one must also be in favor of zero restrictions on immigration, right?

     

     

    That depends on who is selling the immigrants, and who is buying them.

     

    :-)

     

    • #217
  8. DrewInWisconsin Member
    DrewInWisconsin
    @DrewInWisconsin

    My goodness! Who could have seen this coming!? /sarcasm

    China Moves to Address U.S. Economic Concerns
    Beijing agrees to reduce auto tariffs and buy more American products, but key differences remain

    Beijing sought to ease tensions with Washington as its top trade negotiator told U.S. officials that China was planning to reduce auto tariffs and boost purchases of soybeans and other crops, according to people in both capitals briefed on the discussions.

    The two sides held a teleconference involving Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer and Chinese Vice Premier Liu He, the first session since the two sides had reached a 90-day trade truce on Dec. 1 in Buenos Aires. But it is unclear if the early pledges will suffice to pave the way for a full trade deal by the March 1 deadline.

    The Monday night talks came amid rising U.S. demands on its economic rival, including calls for China to protect U.S. intellectual property, and to end pressure on U.S. firms to hand over valuable technology to their U.S. partners. Beijing has never acknowledged applying such pressure, but has said it is willing to discuss longstanding U.S. complaints about lax intellectual property protections.

    On the auto front, Mr. Liu said Beijing would reduce tariffs on U.S. autos to 15%, down from 40%, said people familiar with the call. It wasn’t clear when the change would take effect, but Washington is pushing Beijing to make concessions as soon as possible.

    • #218
  9. TBA Coolidge
    TBA
    @RobtGilsdorf

    DrewInWisconsin (View Comment):

    My goodness! Who could have seen this coming!? /sarcasm

    China Moves to Address U.S. Economic Concerns
    Beijing agrees to reduce auto tariffs and buy more American products, but key differences remain

    Beijing sought to ease tensions with Washington as its top trade negotiator told U.S. officials that China was planning to reduce auto tariffs and boost purchases of soybeans and other crops, according to people in both capitals briefed on the discussions.

    The two sides held a teleconference involving Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer and Chinese Vice Premier Liu He, the first session since the two sides had reached a 90-day trade truce on Dec. 1 in Buenos Aires. But it is unclear if the early pledges will suffice to pave the way for a full trade deal by the March 1 deadline.

    The Monday night talks came amid rising U.S. demands on its economic rival, including calls for China to protect U.S. intellectual property, and to end pressure on U.S. firms to hand over valuable technology to their U.S. partners. Beijing has never acknowledged applying such pressure, but has said it is willing to discuss longstanding U.S. complaints about lax intellectual property protections.

    On the auto front, Mr. Liu said Beijing would reduce tariffs on U.S. autos to 15%, down from 40%, said people familiar with the call. It wasn’t clear when the change would take effect, but Washington is pushing Beijing to make concessions as soon as possible.

    That looks like good news. To who, other than Trump, shall we give the credit to? 

    • #219
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