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  1. wmartin Member
    wmartin
    @

    Mike LaRoche:Eisenhower enacted Operation Wetback to remove illegal aliens from the United States. That makes him all right in my book.

    Done briskly and efficiently, and with a border patrol that had nothing like today’s personnel and budget.

    • #31
  2. Mr. Dart Inactive
    Mr. Dart
    @MrDart

    “In all those things which deal with people’s money, or their economy, or their form of government, be conservative.”   -Ike

    That must be the part Snarky Maddow really adores.

    • #32
  3. Claire Berlinski Member
    Claire Berlinski
    @Claire

    Very few campaign slogans in history have seemed so apt to me. I’ve been watching Eisenhower videos for a few hours now–trying to figure out what it is about him that’s making me feel something I don’t feel when considering any candidate in the current field.

    It’s an unfair and impossible comparison, obviously. No one now alive had the opportunity to do what Eisenhower did–thank God. Obviously, we can’t now have a candidate who planned and carried out the invasion of North Africa, France, and Germany, and became the first Supreme Commander of NATO. No candidate now could give the impression that he had lived through and mastered those times because none of them did.

    There is something about him that is likeable. Not loveable, not full of charisma, not the person from who you can’t take away your eyes–but very clearly a full-grown adult with nothing to prove. He truly appears to be someone who took  the job only because yes, he supposed it was true that he was good at big jobs, and probably should do it, given that he knew he could handle that kind of responsibility.

    He doesn’t seem to me to convey a trace of the insecurity and narcissism that characterizes almost every contemporary politician. And that makes sense: How could a man be more qualified? He wasn’t someone with “great promise.” He was General Eisenhower: He’d already lived up to that promise. I have to imagine that being the president felt like a challenging and meaningful retirement job, not the summit of his career.

    I don’t think anyone could be likeable like Ike now, because no one has the kind of record of accomplishment that would allow him to be so fundamentally at ease with himself.

    I like him. I can see why everyone did.

    • #33
  4. EJHill Podcaster
    EJHill
    @EJHill

    At one point even the Democrats wanted Ike on the ticket. He was a political enigma up until the time he declared as a Republican.

    • #34
  5. user_977556 Inactive
    user_977556
    @TheodoricofFreiberg

    Claire Berlinski:Does someone who likes Ike have a place in the American Republican Party today?

    I don’t get the question. Are you saying that today’s Republican Party has no room for “middle-of-the-roaders” like Ike? My take is that we are living in completely different times and a moderate these days is significantly left of Eisenhower.

    Ike was clearly a moderate in his time. Then came 20 years of non-stop liberal programs — Medicare, Medicaid, vast expansions of welfare and public housing, etc. — that continue to this day.

    Social Security was functioning as intended in the 50s, at the start of the Baby Boom. When Social Security began, there were 40 workers paying into the system for every person receiving checks. Now it’s 4 to 1 with a projection of 2 to 1 in 2030. And Medicare is in the same boat. It is, to borrow an over-used word from our liberal friends, unsustainable.

    Ike would be trying to reign in government programs in the 21st century. He sounds like a modern-day Republican to me.

    • #35
  6. Ricochet Contributor
    Ricochet
    @TitusTechera

    Claire Berlinski:I like him. I can see why everyone did.

    I’d say, Americans do not know it, but they know that they need politicians. Americans are uniquely incapable of thinking about good gov’t as a whole–people tend to assume it means democracy, then how do you deal with disagreements, & how could you trust other people to sacrifice when you would not, &c.

    Eisenhower had the sense of duty Americans once learned about in school–I mean about Roman statesmen. But he had none of the harshness. He seemed like a democrat & yet had aristocratic habits. He made America look like it might achieve this, too. Americans were in a position to be looked down upon by someone quite so glorious as him & yet he never looked down on them. He was almost a Washington, but he also shook your hand.

    • #36
  7. user_977556 Inactive
    user_977556
    @TheodoricofFreiberg

    Claire Berlinski:I like him. I can see why everyone did.

    Me too. He spoke in a manner that was very reassuring. You get the immediate sense that he has his head screwed on straight. He knows what he is talking about and is confident without being boastful. Sort of a perfect father figure.

    Are you researching a new tome on Ike? Loved your Thatcher book.

    • #37
  8. EstoniaKat Inactive
    EstoniaKat
    @ScottAbel

    Claire Berlinski:He doesn’t seem to me too convey a trace of the insecurity and narcissism that characterizes almost every contemporary politician. And that makes sense: How could a man be more qualified? He wasn’t someone with “great promise.” He was General Eisenhower: He’d already lived up to that promise. I have to imagine that being the president felt like a challenging and meaningful retirement job, not the summit of his career.

    I don’t think anyone could be likeable like Ike now, because no one has the kind of record of accomplishment that would allow him to be so fundamentally at ease with himself.

    I like him. I can see why everyone did.

    His presidential library in Abilene, Kansas, is the only one I’ve ever visited (I’ve been there multiple times), so I can’t compare it to others. The war era is more than half of the museum, and quite a bit of it is dedicated to the D-Day decision, and what was riding on that call. The letter that he hand-wrote, taking full responsibility for its possible failure, is there.

    Actually, the presidential years seem more like an afterthought in a way. Once you make a call like that, the museum seems to indicate by its design, nothing even comes close.1956-vote-ike-and-dick-historic-image

    • #38
  9. Ricochet Contributor
    Ricochet
    @TitusTechera

    Let me add something that really disappoints me–what I have heard about the Eisenhower memorial. Maybe Eisenhower is too big to fit today’s America, never mind the GOP. Maybe this is something the folks on Ricochet should consider. What memorial that singular man deserves-

    • #39
  10. Claire Berlinski Member
    Claire Berlinski
    @Claire

    Theodoric of Freiberg:

    Claire Berlinski:Does someone who likes Ike have a place in the American Republican Party today?

    Ike would be trying to reign in government programs in the 21st century. He sounds like a modern-day Republican to me.

    I have no idea what he’d make of the US in 2015, and it’s interesting to wonder. And I’m not sure what I meant by the question, either: I was hoping the responses would help me figure it out.

    I’m groping at it, but I just feel certain that no one–of any age–looked at Ike and had an uneasy sense that Ike might just be too young and inexperienced for the job. There’s just something about him that comes across to me–from the videos, anyway, I never saw him in person–as adult in a way no one does now. And obviously, that’s true: No one could have faced a greater test of leadership prior even to considering a political career.

    And he gives the impression–it’s hard to put into words–of representing the best of the American temperament. He was obviously no longer an innocent. But he was an optimist in principle, which is different from being a naif or in denial. He seems to have been guided by a strong sense of decency. I can’t say quite what I’m responding to. But I like him. I don’t respond that way to any contemporary politician. I look at voting records, accomplishments, I think, “Perhaps he wouldn’t be so bad,” I think, “He’d have to be an improvement, at least,” but that basic feeling–I like him–isn’t something I can find in myself.

    • #40
  11. Guruforhire Inactive
    Guruforhire
    @Guruforhire

    Well to be fair there is no room in the democratic party for us grover cleveland democrats.

    • #41
  12. user_44643 Inactive
    user_44643
    @MikeLaRoche

    Claire Berlinski:No one could have faced a greater test of leadership prior even to considering a political career.

    And he gives the impression–it’s hard to put into words–of representing the best of the American temperament. He was obviously no longer an innocent. But he was an optimist in principle, which is different from being a naif or in denial. He seems to have been guided by a strong sense of decency. I can’t say quite what I’m responding to. But I like him. I don’t respond that way to any contemporary politician. I look at voting records, accomplishments, I think, “Perhaps he wouldn’t be so bad,” I think, “He’d have to be an improvement, at least,” but that basic feeling–I like him–isn’t something I can find in myself.

    Very few presidents have followed a similar career trajectory.  The other ones that come to mind are George Washington, Andrew Jackson, William Henry Harrison, Zachary Taylor, and Ulysses S. Grant.

    • #42
  13. NYC Supporter Inactive
    NYC Supporter
    @RedFishBlueFish

    Claire Berlinski:

    I’m groping at it, but I just feel certain that no one–of any age–looked at Ike and had an uneasy sense that Ike might just be too young and inexperienced for the job. There’s just something about him that comes across to me–from the videos, anyway, I never saw him in person–as adult in a way no one does now. And obviously, that’s true: No one could have faced a greater test of leadership prior even to considering a political career.

    Mitch Daniels had that feel, for his short time on the national stage.  I also have the feeling of listening to an adult when I hear Ike that I don’t when I hear anyone running now or who has run recently.  But I suspect that Mitch Daniels would have come close.

    Claire – part of the problem is that that type of man is just gone now.  Everyone wants to be JFK.  Everyone wants to be young.  Men are asked to express emotion that, my guess, would have made Ike squirm.

    And here comes the controversial part.  Part of the reason, maybe, just maybe, that today’s politicians are less, for lack of a better word, stoic than Ike is because the electorate, and particularly the need to convey your message to women and non-anglo groups, means taking an approach that requires ditching that stern but compassionate male personna that worked for so long.  Women used to vote like their husbands.  Now, they vote as they like.  And there are a lot more unmarried women voting.  The country was dominated by a more uniform, anglo culture where that personna was respected and valued (and still is today in many of those same cultural circles).  And Ike’s personality would never sell to that new multicultural electorate.  One of the side effects of a multicultural society is that it tends to throw out the parts of the dominant culture that were actually beneficial in making room for other viewpoints.

    Don’t shoot me, please.

    • #43
  14. Claire Berlinski Member
    Claire Berlinski
    @Claire

    Scott Abel:.Actually, the presidential years seem more like an afterthought in a way. Once you make a call like that, the museum seems to indicate by its design, nothing even comes close.

    I think that has to be right. I think what we’re sensing is the difference between men who have spent their lives trying to climb up the greasy pole and a man who had absolutely no need of that job for his vanity or to satisfy a longing for power. He did it because he knew he could handle it, and because no one was more qualified to convey the message he did–and in doing so, persuaded many when, I suspect, few others would have been successful

    Today the hope of free men remains stubborn and brave, but it is sternly disciplined by experience. It shuns not only all crude counsel of despair but also the self-deceit of easy illusion.

    It weighs the chance for peace with sure, clear knowledge of what happened to the vain hope of 1945. In that spring of victory the soldiers of the Western Allies met the soldiers of Russia in the center of Europe. They were triumphant comrades in arms. Their peoples shared the joyous prospect of building, in honor of their dead, the only fitting monument—an age of just peace. All these warweary peoples shared too this concrete, decent purpose: to guard vigilantly against the domination ever again of any part of the world by a single, unbridled aggressive power. This common purpose lasted an instant and perished.

    The nations of the world divided to follow two distinct roads. The United States and our valued friends, the other free nations, chose one road. The leaders of the Soviet Union chose another. The way chosen by the United States was plainly marked by a few clear precepts, which govern its conduct in world affairs.

    First: No people on earth can be held, as a people, to be an enemy, for all humanity shares the common hunger for peace and fellowship and justice.

    Second: No nation’s security and well-being can be lastingly achieved in isolation but only in effective cooperation with fellow nations.

    Third: Any nation’s right to a form of government and an economic system of its own choosing is inalienable.

    Fourth: Any nation’s attempt to dictate to other nations their form of government is indefensible.

    And fifth: A nation’s hope of lasting peace cannot be firmly based upon any race in armaments but rather upon just relations and honest understanding with all other nations.

    In the light of these principles the citizens of the United States defined the way they proposed to follow, through the aftermath of war, toward true peace. This way was faithful to the spirit that inspired the United Nations: to prohibit strife, to relieve tensions, to banish fears. This way was to control and to reduce armaments. This way was to allow all nations to devote their energies and resources to the great and good tasks of healing the war’s wounds, of clothing and feeding and housing the needy, of perfecting a just political life, of enjoying the fruits of their own free toil.

    The Soviet government held a vastly different vision of the future. In the world of its design, security was to be found, not in mutual trust and mutual aid but in force: huge armies, subversion, rule of neighbor nations. The goal was power superiority at all cost. Security was to be sought by denying it to all others. The result has been tragic for the world and, for the Soviet Union, it has also been ironic.

    The amassing of Soviet power alerted free nations to a new danger of aggression. It compelled them in self-defense to spend unprecedented money and energy for armaments. It forced them to develop weapons of war now capable of inflicting instant and terrible punishment upon any aggressor. It instilled in the free nations—and let none doubt this—the unshakable conviction that, as long as there persists a threat to freedom, they must, at any cost, remain armed, strong, and ready for the risk of war. It inspired them—and let none doubt this—to attain a unity of purpose and will beyond the power of propaganda or pressure to break, now or ever.

    There remained, however, one thing essentially unchanged and unaffected by Soviet conduct: the readiness of the free nations to welcome sincerely any genuine evidence of peaceful purpose enabling all peoples again to resume their common quest of just peace. The free nations, most solemnly and repeatedly, have assured the Soviet Union that their firm association has never had any aggressive purpose whatsoever. Soviet leaders, however, have seemed to persuade themselves, or tried to persuade their people, otherwise.

    And so it has come to pass that the Soviet Union itself has shared and suffered the very fears it has fostered in the rest of the world. This has been the way of life forged by 8 years of fear and force. What can the world, or any nation in it, hope for for if no turning is found on this dread road?

    The worst to be feared and the best to be expected can be simply stated. The worst is atomic war. The best would be this: a life of perpetual fear and tension; a burden of arms draining the wealth and the labor of all peoples; a wasting of strength that defies the American system or the Soviet system or any system to achieve true abundance and happiness for the peoples of this earth.

    Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children.

    Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. The cost of one modern heavy bomber is this: a modern brick school in more than 30 cities. It is two electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 population. It is two fine, fully equipped hospitals. It is some 50 miles of concrete highway. We pay for a single fighter plane with a half million bushels of wheat. We pay for a single destroyer with new homes that could have housed more than 8,000 people.

    This, I repeat, is the best way of life to be found on the road the world has been taking. This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense. Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity hanging from a cross of iron. These plain and cruel truths define the peril and point the hope that comes with this spring of 1953. This is one of those times in the affairs of nations when the gravest choices must be made, if there is to be a turning toward a just and lasting peace. It is a moment that calls upon the governments of the world to speak their intentions with simplicity and with honesty. It calls upon them to answer …

    So the new Soviet leadership now has a precious opportunity to awaken, with the rest of the world, to the point of peril reached and to help turn the tide of history. Will it do this? We do not yet know. Recent statements and gestures of Soviet leaders give some evidence that they may recognize this critical moment.

    We welcome every honest act of peace. We care nothing for mere rhetoric. We are only for sincerity of peaceful purpose attested by deeds. The opportunities for such deeds are many. The performance of a great number of them waits upon no complex protocol but upon the simple will to do them. Even a few such clear and specific acts, such as the Soviet Union’s signature upon an Austrian treaty or its release of thousands of prisoners still held from World War II, would be impressive signs of sincere intent. They would carry a power of persuasion not to be matched by any amount of oratory. This we do know: a world that begins to witness the rebirth of trust among nations can find its ‘way to a peace that is neither partial nor punitive. With all who will work in good faith toward such a peace, we are ready, with renewed resolve, to strive to redeem the near-lost hopes of our day …

    There is, before all peoples, a precious chance to turn the black tide of events. If we failed to strive to seize this chance, the judgment of future ages would be harsh and just. If we strive but fail and the world remains armed against itself, it at least need be divided no longer in its clear knowledge of who has condemned humankind to this fate.

    The purpose of the United States, in stating these proposals, is simple and clear. These proposals spring, without ulterior purpose or political passion, from our calm conviction that the hunger for peace is in the hearts of all peoples—those of Russia and of China no less than of our own country. They conform to our firm faith that God created men to enjoy, not destroy, the fruits of the earth and of their own toil. They aspire to this: the lifting, from the backs and from the hearts of men, of their burden of arms and of fears, so that they may find before them a golden age of freedom and of peace.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nzNbfa1QyYg

    • #44
  15. user_82762 Inactive
    user_82762
    @JamesGawron

    Claire,

    I think I posted his D-Day speech a while ago. I love it. There were 10,000 casualties on the first day. Nobody thought that was a problem. Everyone knew that it had to be done and by doing it a great nightmare was finally being brought to an end.

    “Your task will not be an easy one.”

    Regards,

    Jim

    • #45
  16. Claire Berlinski Member
    Claire Berlinski
    @Claire

    Red Fish, Blue Fish:

    . And there are a lot more unmarried women voting.

    I’m one of them, and nothing about it makes me more long for politicians who sound as if they might be good at doing what men do, as opposed to making sure I have plenty of welfare handouts but no sense of a role I could play, meaningfully, in a country that is still a stable and peaceful land of opportunity–one in the hands of capable adults who deeply understand that the rest of the world is not like the United States.

    Don’t shoot me, please.

    I would hardly shoot you. I agree that we’ve failed to do a good job of explaining to women that the opportunities for them would be so much better for them if they refused to be patronized and held themselves to much higher standards.

    • #46
  17. thelonious Member
    thelonious
    @thelonious

    Ike didn’t go to national security briefings.  He chaired them.  He was the most knowledgeable guy in the room.  In today’s dangerous world now more than ever we need a man like Ike.  I really wish David Petraeus would run for President.  I think he has a lot Ike potential.  Claire touched on this.  People voted for Ike based on what he accomplished.  He was a proven commodity. Unlike today where people tend to vote on a a persons potential and on how they make us feel.

    • #47
  18. NYC Supporter Inactive
    NYC Supporter
    @RedFishBlueFish

    Claire Berlinski:

    a country that is still a stable and peaceful land of opportunity–one in the hands of capable adults who deeply understand that the rest of the world is not like the United States.

    I just don’t think the electorate believes that United States is fundamentally different anymore.  It’s not the candidates’ fault.  Even the best statesman can only lead an electorate so far – and never to a point that is beyond their belief system.  And the electorate just does not believe that the United States is different.  Without that sense of purpose, they want bread and circus.  The serious adult statesman would never get their vote.  And of course the electorate cares so much about the bread and circus because the federal government has become the main purveyor of bread and circus for many.  That crowds out any chance of putting value on the role of the U.S. in the world and the role of a limited government in the U.S. – both of which imply that the president be an adult and treat you like an adult.

    Fundamentally, its all about culture.  Unfortunately, our culture has changed.  The recent generations were just not taught about how unique the country and its mission really are.  And voters of all generations have come to see the role of the federal government as provider.  That is why the president must  empathize with your daily needs.  Uncle Sam provides for them, so you better vote for the guy to whom you can relate.

    And the stern, principled, clear cut fatherly figure of Ike would never meet that test.

    • #48
  19. user_977556 Inactive
    user_977556
    @TheodoricofFreiberg

    Claire Berlinski:There’s just something about him that comes across to me–from the videos, anyway, I never saw him in person–as adult in a way no one does now.

    I feel this way too. I wonder if it’s a yearning for adult leadership in a nation that has become more and more childish since 1960.

    • #49
  20. Claire Berlinski Member
    Claire Berlinski
    @Claire

    Theodoric of Freiberg:

    Claire Berlinski:There’s just something about him that comes across to me–from the videos, anyway, I never saw him in person–as adult in a way no one does now.

    I feel this way too. I wonder if it’s a yearning for adult leadership in a nation that has become more and more childish since 1960.

    Run this past the common-sense test. What’s more likely, really–that everyone around us has become more childish, or that we’ve become older? When I really subject that one to scrutiny, I wonder. (I’d swear everyone is becoming more childish, but I wonder if I’m making sense. Is it possible that I’m becoming old and irritable? I wouldn’t be the first.)

    • #50
  21. TeamAmerica Member
    TeamAmerica
    @TeamAmerica

    I can offer two anecdotes about Ike. A few years ago I worked with an elderly Irish immigrant who emigrated to the US in the Fifties from northern Ireland, when he was in his twenties,  and had attended church as a child with C.S. Lewis.

    He said that during the war, an aunt with a baby carriage or shopping cart was having difficulty crossing a road due to heavy traffic, (likely caused by the presence of many American soldiers). Suddenly, a car stopped and  Gen. Eisenhower emerged, and he helped her across the road. I imagine he was being both kindly and trying to set an example to American troops as to how to behave as guests in war-time Britain.

    My dad was serving in the Army during WWII in north Africa, ferrying men and war material across an inlet in Bizzerte, Tunisia, when a jeep rolled up and out stepped Gen. Eisenhower. When my dad and the other soldiers moved to salute, Ike insisted on shaking hands instead. I assume he did this to show he valued them as human beings.

    • #51
  22. Claire Berlinski Member
    Claire Berlinski
    @Claire

    TeamAmerica:I can offer two anecdotes about Ike.

    There’s a speciality American boutique in Paris that sells things like pancake mix.

    The owners of the store have, I think, retired. I hope. They used to be Monsieur and Madame Michel, and I worked for them as a fille au pair. Monsieur opened the store to thank Americans. Because his earliest memories were the troops and the candy bars. Everything about America filled him with trust and gratitude, to the point that he left his infant son in my care. US troops not only knew how to behave, but imprinted themselves so positively in his mind that improbably, he only wanted an American teenager as a babysitter. Americans were inherently qualified. “Here’s the key to our apartment, everything in it, and our firstborn. We have to work at the store, but we know we can trust you. You’re an American teenager.”

    The store is still open and still selling Aunt Jemima’s.

    • #52
  23. Gödel's Ghost Inactive
    Gödel's Ghost
    @GreatGhostofGodel

    David Stockman is another big Ike fan. A major point seems to be being willing to exact taxes to pay for government. As opposed to running endless deficits, I find nothing to argue with. But as others have observed, there’s very little, if any, discussion in Stockman’s work (I’m thinking primarily of “The Great Deformation”) relating to his appreciation of Ike that at all challenges the growth of government from the post-civil-war era to his own. Spending less than you take in is a good idea. But maybe so is not taking in as much.

    • #53
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