Get the Ricochet app
Ricochet will work fine in a browser on your mobile devices, but for the best experience please download our app.

The Ricochet Podcast
3 Whisky Happy Hour
Beyond the Polls
GLoP Culture
Chicks on The Right
3 Martini Lunch
Federalist Radio Hour
What the Hell Is Going On
Parsing Immigration Policy
Freedom to Learn
Daily Signal
The Erick Erickson Show
Not Dead Yet
Heritage Explains
Call Me Back - with Dan Senor
The Learning Curve
The American Idea
Madison’s Notes
The Radio Free Hillsdale Hour
Hillsdale Dialogues
Mom Wars
Conservative Crossroads with Henry Olsen
The Conservative Woman’s Guide
Law Talk with Epstein, Yoo & Cooke
Giving Ventures
Who Funds that?
The Back of the Book
The Kevin Roberts Show with Larry O’Connor
Gray Matters
The Report Card with Nat Malkus
The Glenn Show
The Libertarian
Martini Shot
The Dave Carter Show
The Powerline Show
In Dissent
Heard at Heritage
Smart Girl Politics
James Lileks’ The Diner
Case in Point: The Legal Show on the Hottest Legal Cases in Politics and Culture
JobMakers
One on One with Robert DoarRicochet will work fine in a browser on your mobile devices, but for the best experience please download our app.
I don't have time for a proper post. But I just read a great article over lunch: Mamdani is Learning How to Rig the System, by Maximillian Garely in The Spectator. He discusses the rent-control policies Mamdani is pushing in NYC. But what I found so fascinating was his discussion of the different ways that the right and the left try to get existing institutions to enact policies they want:
Right-wing populists have long been accused of attacking independent institutions and undermining their credibility. Their left-wing counterparts appear to have developed a subtler, more insidious approach. Instead of attacking institutions, they capture them. In doing so, they predetermine outcomes and present the result as an independent judgment.
He makes an interesting point. At first, I found this odd, because of the left's overriding desire for revolution - to tear it all down. But he addresses this:
There is a wider story here. Right-wing populism announces its hostility towards institutions through open confrontation: denouncing them as corrupt, attacking their leadership, attempting to overrule policy decisions, and threatening their funding. Left-wing populism, meanwhile, is more comfortable operating through the language of procedure and expertise. It preserves the original form of an institution while ensuring that those in control of each stage of the decision-making process understand which conclusions are acceptable. It’s ironic, because the far-left of old is famous for their love of revolution and the destruction of institutions. Nevertheless, among the new generation of socialists, the institution survives while the democratic process dies. Both left and right populists seek to bend nominally independent bodies to their will. The left, however, is proving more effective.
Again, I find some of his insights to be brilliant. Please go read the whole thing.
Democrats are the party of government. They're good at it, while Republicans really aren't. Probably because Democrats are more willing to work within existing institutions, while Republicans correctly perceive those institutions themselves as a big part of the problem, and avoid them.
Institutions are supposed to temper the mood swings of democracy. Democrats have gotten good at preventing institutions from fulfilling their purpose. In fact, they've gotten good at using institutions to enhance the mood swings of democracy (emphasis mine - please read the last sentence 2-3 times):
But a democratic mandate does not erase the distinction between political power and independent judgement. An institution can only be meaningfully independent if it is able to reach a conclusion that politicians dislike. Elections determine direction; independent bodies are supposed to test whether particular interventions are justified by the evidence. When those functions collapse into one another, expertise simply becomes a means by which political preference can be laundered through institutional authority.
Again, please read the whole thing. Slowly - it's dense.
After work, I may have some comments on his ideas.
In the meantime, what do you think?
Recommended by MembersThis post was promoted to the Main Feed at the recommendation of Ricochet's members.
Discussion (29)
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
I’d have to look it up to see who, talking about Leftist strategy, coined the phrase “The Long March through the institutions” but whomever it was had it spot on.
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
German student Leftist activist Rudolph Dutschke.
In his 1972 book, Counterrevolution and Revolt, Herbert Marcuse wrote …
“To extend the base of the student movement, Rudi Dutschke has proposed the strategy of the long march through the institutions: working against the established institutions while working within them”
One need look no farther than the DSA. They freely admit to using the Democrat Party only to secure ballot access but that their ultimate goal is to overturn the Democrat Party. As DSA national director Maria Svart explained in 2020: “We’re not trying to reform the Democratic Party. We’re trying to replace it.”
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
CHARTER MEMBER
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
You beat me to it.
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
Thinking about this, Doc, and it seems to me that the article (or as much of it as I can see) is focused on the role of new Leftist-occupied institutions as amplifiers of the mood swings of democracy. But that applies only when Leftists win. When non-Leftists win, they revert to their old role as defenders of the status quo ante as witnessed by the Deep State's unending battle against any and all things Trump.
You're seeing five of 29 comments. Sign in, or join for just $5 per month, to read them all and add your own.