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August 9, 2026 at 12:33 PM

George Mason was Prophetic

Brian Watt
@BrianWatt

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January 24, 2023, in the Oval Office. (Official White House Photo by Erin Scott)

The alleged abuse of Joe Biden’s autopen (which was apparently quite active in the last few hours of his administration before Donald Trump took the Oath of Office) aside, I’m grappling with the notion of the power to pardon someone before they have even been indicted for a crime. This has not simply been abused, but I would argue it creates an untouchable class of individuals in a society that is supposed to mete out justice blindly to everyone.

An American justice system where, dare I say it, no one is supposed to be above the law – not politicians or their relatives, not those who committed treason, not those who engaged and funded a Communist laboratory to develop a bio-weapon that laid waste to a thriving economy, crippled the education of children, and killed millions of human beings – that sentiment, that no one is above the law, rings hollow and false.

But where did the practice of granting pardons before a formal accusation, indictment, or trial originate? Well, it was a royal invention that can be traced as far back as the reign of King Ine of Wessex, roughly 688-725 AD...apparently.

According to Grok:

By the time of Henry VIII in the 16th century, statutes confirmed this as an exclusive royal prerogative.

You know, Henry VIII, that paragon of virtue who beheaded Catherine Howard, plundered and burned the monasteries, had Thomas More imprisoned and then beheaded for refusing to recognize Henry as the head of the new Church of England and to recognize Henry's marriage to Anne Boleyn (who Henry also beheaded), had the Duke of Buckingham executed, among his other numerous tyrannical atrocities.

Grok continues (emphasis mine):

Legal authorities such as Sir Edward Coke described a pardon as “a work of mercy, whereby the King, either before attainder, sentence, or conviction, or after, forgiveth any crime, offence, punishment [or] execution.”

Sir William Blackstone and other common-law writers similarly treated the power as exercisable at various stages after an offense had occurred. Medieval practice included pardons issued before trial, sometimes for practical reasons (e.g., addressing rigid rules of homicide law that treated accidental or defensive killings as felonies) or other motives. Key limits existed: a pardon generally could not cover crimes not yet committed (that would resemble suspending the law, restricted by later developments such as the English Bill of Rights), and certain restrictions applied (e.g., regarding impeachments after the Act of Settlement of 1701, or private appeals/suits).

Pardons before formal proceedings were nonetheless recognized and used. The U.S. Framers drew directly on this English model when drafting Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution, which grants the President power “to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.” Debates at the Constitutional Convention and during ratification reflected awareness of the power’s breadth, including the possibility of pardons before indictment (George Mason raised concerns that a president might use pre-indictment pardons to shield associates and stop inquiries).

George Mason was right to be so concerned, and he describes precisely how Joe Biden (and/or those who actually ran his administration while Joe fixated on ice cream cones, snoozed at the beach, fondled little girls, and explored different ways to exit a stage) abused this pardoning power.

Grok continues (emphasis mine):

The U.S. Supreme Court confirmed this scope in Ex parte Garland (1866). The Court held that the pardon power “extends to every offence known to the law, and may be exercised at any time after its commission, either before legal proceedings are taken, or during their pendency, or after conviction and judgment.” This ruling underpins modern recognition of preemptive pardons for completed federal offenses, even absent formal charges.

Notable historical U.S. examples include certain Civil War-era grants, Gerald Ford’s 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon (for offenses he “has committed or may have committed”), Jimmy Carter’s Vietnam draft-evader pardons (covering many not yet prosecuted), and others.

While the general idea of rulers granting clemency or amnesty appears in much older sources (e.g., the Code of Hammurabi, Roman practices of clementia, medieval European rulers, and various religious or customary traditions), the specific legal tradition of individual pardons before formal accusation—as understood and practiced in Anglo-American systems—traces to the English common-law prerogative. The power applies only after an offense has occurred; it does not authorize immunity for future crimes.

Despite Joe Biden’s, or probably more accurately, Joe Biden’s autopen’s pardon of Dr. Mengele (not sure what happened there…perhaps an auto edit/correct of some sort) Dr. Fauci, he is still liable to be prosecuted for crimes by individual states in the Union, and those indictments may be forthcoming.

In the meantime, it may be prudent to explore whether presidential pardons before indictments for crimes are handed down create a class of untouchable Americans who clearly have more rights than the rest of us peasants. If it requires a constitutional amendment, then the odds of that happening are remote at best…and even more remote as America transitions to a communist state. I kid—sort of.

This post was promoted to the Main Feed at the recommendation of Ricochet's members.

Discussion (7)

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    Fritz@Fritz·9w

    Fascinating legal history. Thanks. I do not recall hearing of any of those antecedents back when President Ford granted the Nixon pardon. I recall just lots of caterwauling from those who wanted the latter in prison stripes claiming that such a pre-emptive pardon had never been granted ever before.

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    EJHill@EJHill·9w

    I know the “auto pen” line is popular, but it’s meaningless. Pardons do not need to be signed. It is a plenary power of the office and the Constitution provides no procedure or requirements. A speech, a decree, a letter from the DOJ lawyer on the president’s behalf are all equally valid.

    Do not hold your breath for state prosecutions. In re Neagle (1890) pretty much shields him from actions such as that.

    Are there people who are basically untouchable? Pretty much.

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    Fritz@Fritz·9w
    ReplyingtoEJHill

    EJHill (View Comment):

    I know the “auto pen” line is popular, but it’s meaningless. Pardons do not need to be signed. It is a plenary power of the office and the Constitution provides no procedure or requirements. A speech, a decree, a letter from the DOJ lawyer on the president’s behalf are all equally valid.

    Do not hold your breath for state prosecutions. In re Neagle (1890) pretty much shields him from actions such as that.

    Are there people who are basically untouchable? Pretty much.

    So "he shall have power to grant . . . " does not imply an affirmative intentional act by a living and acting president to grant "reprieves and pardons"? OK, then . . . exercising that power is a function of someone pressing a button on an electronic device. Got it.

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    EJHill@EJHill·9w
    ReplyingtoFritz

    Fritz (View Comment):

    So “he shall have power to grant . . . ” does not imply an affirmative intentional act by a living and acting president to grant “reprieves and pardons”? OK, then . . . exercising that power is a function of someone pressing a button on an electronic device. Got it.

    It is a function of the office. And Biden is on the record as having agreed to the parameters of the pardons and had final authorization over all of the clemency decisions.

    As Brian noted the bedrock of jurisprudence on this issue is Ex parte Garland (1866.)

    Mr. Justice Stephen Johnson Field writing for the court:

    Congress can neither limit the effect of his pardon, nor exclude from its exercise any class of offenders. The benign prerogative of mercy reposed in him cannot be fettered by any legislative restrictions.

    Now, the court may invalidate an attempt to pardon someone outside of the scope of the Constitution. Trump is the only president who has tried to pardon someone for a state conviction. The courts and the state just ignored him.

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    Brian Watt@BrianWatt·9w

    Well, thankfully the Supreme Court has never <cough> ever gotten anything wrong. (Sorry, hairball).

    Re: Justice Stephen Johnson Field's take (emphasis mine):

    Congress can neither limit the effect of his pardon, nor exclude from its exercise any class of offenders. The benign prerogative of mercy reposed in him (him being POTUS) cannot be fettered by any legislative restrictions.

    Okay, fine. That establishes a restriction on Congress...but does it pass the jurisprudence test? Someone who is granted a pardon prior to any charges being brought is by definition NOT in a class of offenders. They haven't been shown in a court of law to have offended anything. The individual, last time I checked, is always presumed innocent prior to a trial.

    So, mercy for what exactly? Mercy presumes guilt not innocence which is in conflict with jurisprudence. Unless, everyone is admitting that even without trial Anthony Fauci committed fraud and harmed millions of people through his alleged orchestrated or reckless negligence. Is that what's happening? Or do millions of Americans believe that Fauci is a saint (with his own votive candle) who did no harm whatsoever?

    Some have stated that a preemptive pardon is already a stain and punishment for anyone who is pardoned because the shadow of guilt hangs over them. But has justice been done? And was George Mason correct in his concern that this "benign prerogative of mercy" could be abused by a corrupt president and his (or her) administration?

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