Get the Ricochet app
Ricochet will work fine in a browser on your mobile devices, but for the best experience please download our app.

3 Whisky Happy Hour
The Ricochet Podcast
GLoP Culture
Beyond the Polls with Henry Olsen
Gray Matters
Daily Signal
The Erick Erickson Show
Giving Ventures
Mom Wars
3 Martini Lunch
Chicks on The Right
Parsing Immigration Policy
Federalist Radio Hour
What the Hell Is Going On
Freedom to Learn
The Learning Curve
The Conservative Woman’s Guide
Heritage Explains
Not Dead Yet
Who Funds that?
The Radio Free Hillsdale Hour
The Glenn Show
Call Me Back - with Dan Senor
Hillsdale Dialogues
Law Talk with Epstein, Yoo & Cooke
The Libertarian
The Report Card with Nat Malkus
The Kevin Roberts Show with Larry O’Connor
The American Idea
Madison’s Notes
Conservative Crossroads with Henry Olsen
The Back of the Book
Martini Shot
The Dave Carter Show
The Powerline Show
In Dissent
Heard at Heritage
Smart Girl Politics
James Lileks’ The Diner
Case in Point: The Legal Show on the Hottest Legal Cases in Politics and Culture
JobMakers
One on One with Robert Doar
Homeschooling Journeys with Curious MikeRicochet will work fine in a browser on your mobile devices, but for the best experience please download our app.
Tired of the toxicity of social media? Why not join Ricochet for just $5/month? Think of it as an online bar. Come in, have a drink, hang out, say whatever you want. But don’t badger, bully, or berate the other drinkers. That's our only rule.
The voters of Oregon voted in 2022 to enact a constitutional amendment (Measure 113) to disqualify representatives from serving in the future if they intentionally absented themselves from the legislature to frustrate the conduct of business therein. In Oregon, as in Wisconsin for example, legislators would periodically use this tactic to stall legislation when they didn't have the votes defeat it.
The ballot measure amended section 15 of Article IV of the Oregon Constitution. The following underlined text was added:[1]
Section 15. Punishment and expulsion of members. Either house may punish its members for disorderly behavior, and may with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member; but not a second time for the same cause. Failure to attend, without permission or excuse, ten or more legislative floor sessions called to transact business during a regular or special legislative session shall be deemed disorderly behavior and shall disqualify the member from holding office as a Senator or Representative for the term following the election after the member’s current term is completed.[14]
After passage of the measure 10 Republican lawmakers applied this tactic again and the Oregon Secretary of State determined that 5 were disqualified for re-election in the 2024 ballot. They sued, and the Oregon Supreme Court has upheld the disqualification.
Nationally this is being cited as "weaponization"of government. But it is hard to argue with a state constitutional amendment approved by the voters. But was it?
During oral arguments before the Oregon Supreme Court in December, attorneys for the senators and the state wrestled over the grammar and syntax of the language that was added to the state constitution after Measure 113 was approved by voters.
The amendment says a lawmaker is not allowed to run “for the term following the election after the member’s current term is completed.” The debate was over when that ineligibility kicks in: If a senator’s term ends in January 2025, they would typically seek reelection in November 2024. The “election after the member’s current term is completed” would not be until November 2028, the Republican senators argued, so they could run for reelection this year and then hold office for another term before becoming ineligible. The court disagreed, saying that while the language of the amendment was ambiguous, the information provided to voters in the ballot title and explanatory statement made clear that the intent was to bar truant lawmakers from holding office in the next term. “Those other materials expressly and uniformly informed voters that the amendment would apply to a legislator’s immediate next terms of office, indicating that the voters so understood and intended that meaning,” the justices wrote.
So, even if the authors of the measure screwed up, the explanatory information presented to the voters cured it. But that requires the justices to read the minds of all of the eligible voters. According to the Oregon Secretary of State there were 3,003,625 registered voters in November 2022. A total of 1,891,331 votes were cast on the measure. That means 1,112,294 registered voters did not state their preference on the measure. What did they think? How many of them did not vote because they read the language and decided it wouldn't disqualify their preferred candidate from re-election in 2024?
There are also arguments that if the votes cast on the measure were in line with total votes cast in other matters then we can impute that no one simply failed to vote on the measure or that the results of more total votes would not have changed the outcome.
But why is the Oregon Supreme Court engaging in mind reading -- that the voters were persuaded that the measure would be interpreted as set out in the information provided to the voters? Why not implement the amendment as written?
My initial reaction when I first heard of the Oregon Supreme Court decision was that there needed to be more to the story than the "weaponization" angle being pushed by my preferred media. And when I found out there was a constitutional amendment approved by the voters, I thought: Well, this is a bit of an overreach by Republicans trying to relate this to ballot disqualification measures against President Trump. But now that I have looked into the reasoning, it gives me pause. Were Oregon voters too dumb to see the problem with the language, or too smart and decided "no harm, no foul" and didn't vote against it?
Seems to me that the 2022 measure passage sent a message. By its terms it doesn't disqualify anyone from seeking a follow-on term, but affects them for the term after that. If people are unhappy they can amend the amendment to make it work the way they want it to work. It's not the job of the Oregon Supreme Court to read the minds of voters.
This post was promoted to the Main Feed at the recommendation of Ricochet's members.
Discussion (36)
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
State legislators in Texas also walked out just a couple years ago in an (unsuccessful) attempt to prevent several Republican bills from passing. I'm guessing the sponsors to the Oregon measure were cheering on those Texas Democrats at the time. The fact that Oregon is a one-party state probably played a big role in their pursuant of this measure.
I think the whole practice of walking out to stop a vote is ridiculous.
You're sent there to do a job you should be there to do it.
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
Since I live in Oregon, I'll give you some insight into Measure 113. Unions, Planned Parenthood, Basic Rights Oregon, and the ACLU were big supporters of Measure 113.
Instead of a state senator from each county the state senate is based upon population in each district. So, there are 30 state senate seats in a state that has 36 counties.
Approximately 12 state senators come from the Portland Metro Area, all Democrats + 5 more Dems from different areas of the state.
Two-thirds of the 30 senators have to be present to pass legislation, so a simple majority is not a super majority.
The Oregon Supreme Court decision is interesting, especially in light of the fact that the seven judges have to be elected:
While Oregon Supreme Court justices must stand for election, six of the court’s seven justices were initially appointed by Gov. Kate Brown (D). The seventh, Justice Aruna Masih, was appointed by Gov. Tina Kotek (D) but did not participate in the decision.
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
Without reading the opinion, one has to conclude that the case became a contest of Textualism (the doctrine of Constitutional interpretation famously supported by Justice Antonin Scalia) versus Originalism.
Originalism won the day.
Scalia’s arguments (as presented in the biography written by his son) persuaded me to change my mind. I changed from Originalist to Textualist.
But this case introduced a novel fact that made me revisit my reasoning. It wasn’t enough to flip me back to Originalism, but it made me want to know for sure: What Would Antonin Do?
The delegates who approved the US Constitution and put it out to the States for approval did not attach any formal interpretive documents for use by the voters in determining what the law would mean.
Justice Scalia says that that means that the contemporary memoranda showing the Original Intent of those who wrote or passed the version sent out for a vote, including the Federalist Papers, were a different document than what the States voted on. If the voters didn’t approve these interpretive documents, then how could they be law?
In this case, the lawmakers did just that, making the interpretation in some sense an authoritative part of the historical record of what the law should be.
Would that convince a staunch Textualist like Scalia to consider the Oregon amendment a special case?
The facts seem to weaken one of the legs that Textualism stands on.
To read this bio, please join Ricochet.
I agree. This is why I believe a vote should be yea or nay, none of this voting "present" or abstaining . . .
You're seeing five of 36 comments. Sign in, or join for just $5 per month, to read them all and add your own.