Tag: Libertarianism

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;P I stayed home, sick, from my home office yesterday, and I had a lot of time to browse and catch up on things. One of them left me shaken to my core. Marco Rubio had become a fascist. Well, fascist would be too much of an ugly exaggeration, but he certainly advocates for dictatorship […]

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Vermeule’s Gleeful Illiberal Legalism

 

Few have been brave enough to flesh out what the Ahmarist, or “anti-Frenchist,” vision of the common good should be. Some have said articulating specifics is beside the point, that Ahmarists’ refreshing achievement is unapologetically asserting a common good exists, even if they decline to say what, exactly, it is. And then, there are guys like Adrian Vermeule, writing in The Atlantic, brave enough, at least, to flesh out a vision of sorts. Vermeule calls it “common-good constitutionalism”, which he describes as “an illiberal legalism that is not ‘conservative’ at all, insofar as standard conservatism is content to play defensively within the procedural rules of the liberal order.” When Vermeule writes,

[U]nlike legal liberalism, common-good constitutionalism does not suffer from a horror of political domination and hierarchy, because it sees that law is parental, [emphasis added] a wise teacher and an inculcator of good habits. Just authority in rulers can be exercised for the good of subjects, if necessary even against the subjects’ own perceptions of what is best for them—perceptions that may change over time anyway, as the law teaches, habituates, and re-forms them. Subjects will come to thank the ruler whose legal strictures, possibly experienced at first as coercive, encourage subjects to form more authentic desires…

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So I’m in this long-term, low-grade struggle to understand why/when conservatives began to view libertarianism with such suspicion and disdain, and I just came across the below from Ricochet’s favorite libertarian interloper. It sounds very conservative (to me), but it also sounds very libertarian. He’s arguing against throwing money (private money, in this case, but could […]

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I have no wish to be disrespectful to anyone with this essay and would surely never intentionally insult anyone. But I must admit that I have had, for decades, the thought that I could not understand how anyone beyond the age of 25, let’s say, could be a libertarian. I think some of the ideas, […]

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Richard Epstein on Classical Liberalism, the Administrative State, Free Speech, and Silicon Valley Regulation

 

For this week’s Big Ideas with Ben Weingarten podcast, I had legendary classical liberal legal theorist and longtime professor at University of Chicago Law School and now at NYU Law — and prodigious Ricochet podcaster Professor Richard Epstein on the podcast to discuss among other things:

  • The role that Professor Epstein’s famous book, “Takings” played in Justice Clarence Thomas’ confirmation hearing — and then-Senator Joe Biden’s hectoring
  • Professor Epstein’s groundbreaking theories on private property rights, eminent domain and the Takings and Commerce Clauses
  • The practical argument against progressivism
  • Whether we should deconstruct the administrative state, and if so how to do it
  • The danger to free speech emanating from college campuses in a world of microaggressions, trigger warnings, de-platforming
  • The folly of regulating Silicon Valley social media companies
  • Classical liberalism versus socialism and libertarianism

You can find the episode on iTunes, everywhere else podcasts are found or download the episode directly here.

Did Communism Help Make Amy Barrett Awesome?

 

OK, not Communism with a capital C, all grim and totalitarian, but “communism” as in communal living. Barrett appears to have extensive involvement in a Christian intentional community, People of Praise, an organization both Charismatic and mostly Catholic, in which members practice communal living. According to the Pedia of Wiki,

Members attempt to live as much of a common life as possible, working together, praying for one another both privately and in groups, visiting one another, sharing meals and offering one another gifts of money and material items in times of need. For some members common life extends to working together in community sponsored businesses and outreaches. Most members are married couples, including many with growing children. Some married couples have single men and women living with them in “households”, but most do not. Some single people live together (in houses of single men or women) while some live by themselves. There are also celibate single men and women, some of whom have formed a Brotherhood and Sisterhood within the People of Praise.

Rose Wilder Lane

 

The removal of Laura Ingalls Wilder’s name from a children’s book award reminds me again of her daughter, Rose Wilder Lane, an interesting writer and political thinker. Born in 1886 in the Dakota Territory, Rose is best known for her writings on political philosophy and has been referred to as a “Founding Mother” of libertarianism; she was also a novelist and the author of several biographies. In her article “Credo,” published in 1936, she describes her political journey, beginning with the words: “In 1919 I was a communist.”

She was impressed with the idealism of the individual Communists she met and found their economic logic convincing. But when she visited the Soviet Union in the 1920s, she became disillusioned. And, unlike many visitors to the USSR, she did not conclude that Communism was still a great idea but had just been carried out poorly; rather, she began to grasp the structural flaws with the whole thing.

In Russian Georgia, the villager who was her host complained about the growing bureaucracy that was taking more and more men from productive work, and predicted chaos and suffering from the centralizing of economic power in Moscow. At first, she saw his attitude as merely “the opposition of the peasant mind to new ideas,” and undertook to convince him of the benefits of central planning. He shook his head sadly.

Richard Epstein looks at the law — and economics — of the Justice Department’s efforts to block AT&T’s acquisition of Time Warner.

Richard Epstein traces the origins and evolution of his libertarian thinking over a half-century in the spotlight.

Tevye the Milkman, Libertarianism, and the Open Borders Fantasy

 

“…Political freedom and escape from tyranny demand that individuals not be unreasonably constrained by government in the crossing of political boundaries. Economic freedom demands the unrestricted movement of human as well as financial capital across national borders…” — Paragraph 3.4 of the 2016 Libertarian Party platform

Reason’s Nick Gillespie – Is Trump Bad for Libertarianism?

 

Nick GillespieWhen it comes to tackling regulations (Title 9, Obamacare, small business, etc.) Trump has many Libertarians applauding. So why does Reason’s Nick Gillespie suggest Trump may be bad for the Libertarian cause? Nick is currently the Contributing Editor of Reason.com and the Editor-in-Chief at Reason.tv, the home of Free Minds and Free Markets. We discuss entitlements, Libertarianism as a governing body, limited government in the age of Trump and much more. You can (and should) find Nick on Twitter and Facebook. Special thanks to virtuoso pianist Hyperion Knight for his beautiful background music taped at the Freedom Fest Convention at the Paris Hotel in Las Vegas, NV.

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This is the last, number fifty, of a series of short biographical sketches I gathered together for my latest Kindle, Leap For the Sun: Heroes From American History. I originally posted eleven of them at Ricochet. Kind comments inspired me to expand the number and kindle them. ********** Preview Open

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Larry Elder: The Sage of South Central

 

Libertarian talk show host and best selling author Larry Elder, “The Sage Of South Central,” joins us at Whiskey Politics and tears it up! Larry is heard on over 300 radio stations on the Salem Media Network and is regularly featured on all major television news networks. Larry shares his thoughts on states rights, health care, Trump’s first six months, the media’s double standards and bias, his touching story from his book Dear Father, Dear Son about reconciliation with his Father. Of course, it’s Larry Elder, so we finished up with his outrage once again targeting O.J. Simpson, the response from the black community and what, if anything, has improved with race relations in the past 20 years.

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I know we’ve discussed this subject a time or two this election cycle; but, I thought I’d take a little closer look at the Libertarian parties’ presidential ticket and their relative success so far. The Libertarian Party (hereinafter to be referred to as LP) looks to be headed toward their best finish ever in their […]

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Beware the “Libertarians”

 

johnson-weldIf there was ever a year for a frustrated conservatarian to consider voting for the Libertarian Party ticket, 2016 would seem to be a godsend: Trump and Clinton are … well, no need to rehash this … and the Libertarians have nominated not one but two former Republican governors. But as Ilya Shapiro writes on Cato at Liberty, the theory of the Johnson-Weld ticket and its reality diverge greatly, and not in a way that pays any compliments to the latter:

[In this recent] ReasonTV interview … Weld praises Justice Stephen Breyer and Judge Merrick Garland, who are the jurists most deferential to the government on everything, whether environmental regulation or civil liberties. Later in the same interview, he similarly compliments Republican senators like Mark Kirk and Susan Collins, who are among the least libertarian of the GOP caucus in terms of the size and scope of government and its imposition on the private sector and civil society.

What’s painful about this is that it’s not as if there weren’t other alternatives available to them. There’s no shortage of libertarian-friendly judges whom they might have cited, including Justice Clarence Thomas. And why on earth would this list include Collins and Kirk but not Reps. Justin Amash and Thomas Massie, or Senator Rand Paul?

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For those interested my earlier post outlining my own reluctantly restrictionist position on immigration can be conveniently found here.                 Oftentimes when conservatives have invoked “respect for the rule of law” in support of their arguments I have nodded along in agreement.  Based on the current discourse within the right on the subject of illegal […]

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Confessions of a Reluctant Immigration Hawk

 

shutterstock_220487467Some issues make for uncomfortable alliances. As a supporter of across-the-board drug legalization, I have often felt the desire to throw my hands up in despair at the inanities of unserious stoner activists and of the hipster libertarians who have raised the narrow issue of cannabis to the position of a sine qua non in order to excuse themselves from voting for conservative candidates who violate their cultural expectations. Many in the latter group are classical liberals for whom I have a great deal of respect, even if disagree with them on this specific issue, who libertarians should want to work with.

Increasingly, I feel much the same way about conservatives and immigration. While I continue to maintain that lower rates of immigration from Latin America will be necessary to reverse the balkanizing trends causing so much dysfunction in America’s political system, this is a position that I am forced to hold with no small degree of reluctance and circumspection. This apprehension does not have to do solely with the nature of the ideological company I am forced to keep — company which ranges from well-intentioned fellow conservatives who persist in making the worst arguments for an otherwise defensible position — down to unapologetic Trump supporters, and even genuine racists on the Alt-Right and PaleoCon fringes.

In truth, my reluctance goes much deeper than this, as the restrictionist position forces me to overcome some basic libertarian instincts. I continue to believe that the only borders with any moral significance are those between my property and my neighbors’ and that private property owners are the only agents capable of restricting the free movement of individuals while claiming any justification under natural law. Being something less than a purist, however, I also acknowledge that — to the degree individual rights are respected in this place and time — it is because they are protected by small-r republican institutions built into our constitutional framework. Moreover, these institutions require a certain degree of cultural cohesion to function properly and are endangered by the breakdown of the process of assimilation. I am not so dogmatic as to deny that, in the struggle for freedom, it may be necessary to take a step back in order to take two steps forward.