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Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Anita Hill, John Bolton, and the Whig Party

 

With the unveiling of the latest “bombshell” to extend and draw out the sham impeachment of Donald Trump, some have compared the perfected timed leak from John Bolton’s book to the final stages of the Kavanaugh hearings. The whole thing is in effect over, with the left seeming to hold a losing hand. Then suddenly here comes a “new source” who can turn the tide. It is a false claim but it does its job of delaying and also adding to the smear which will remain as a stain on its subject. In Justice Kavanaugh’s case, it was an easily proven false claim from long ago. But the leftist tactic goes back deeper into history than that.

It was almost exactly the method used on probably one of the top five Justices we have ever had on the Supreme Court (I would say top three), Clarence Thomas. Thomas had already worked his way through the briar-patch of the hearings proving to all that the leftists led by a younger but just as corrupt Joe Biden was no match on subjects such as the Constitution. But the hearings were reopened when the “surprise” accusation from Anita Hill was sprung.

In a Reagan-like moment, Thomas discarded advice about not challenging the integrity of the Senators and confronted them face-to-face with his “lynching” reply. It is a moment worth reviewing in this age of easily found video. Justice Thomas is face-to-face with Joe Biden and delivers a message that is not just timeless but is an exact fit for us right now. If one wants to compare the quality of either man, watch that video.

The tactic that had worn down the nomination of Judge Bork had not worked this time. I wish the lesson had been more deeply learned by the members of the GOP establishment who prize their informal status in the political class more than they do original principles.

Of course, the tactic is much older than even the Thomas hearings. But the vintage is not important. It is important that any references in Bolton’s book have nothing to do with the impeachment. No matter what President Trump may or may not have preferred, wanted, wished for or prayed for nothing was done but what should have been done.

This distraction is poison for the Constitution and for the process of impeachment. That can be easily argued later.

But for the GOP senators to embrace it, or just put up with it, is a potential poison for the party itself. The Republican Party created the Trump presidency because they abandoned the founding vision. No, they didn’t become wild-eyed socialists. They simply did not fight for the founding vision. They certainly voiced support for it, in an enlightened, “evolving” sort of way. They did not jump into the rushing stream of progressive, global “awakening.” They simply walked slowly along the bank in the same direction. A few even would occasionally wade along the edges. In doing so they remained in semi-good favor with those of the political class who set the tables of power and who wrote the books, newspapers, and television copy.

The Bolton “bombshell” is just another chance for those same bank walkers to show their “open-mindedness.” At the moment, it seems that Pierre Delecto (Mitt Romney) is leading the effort as part of his continuing attempt to reposition himself as important. Not far behind, of course, are the constant wind checkers from Maine, Alaska, and beyond. But the whole scorecard can likely change by the fall of this evening. Lindsey Graham’s flag always depends on the mood of the moment without McCain to tag along behind.

Going back a mere 40 years in time, the GOP establishment has been given at least three chances to prove themselves worthy of the banner they claim as defenders of the Constitution and the founding vision. They failed the first two badly.

The first was when Ronald Reagan was able to finally step past them to the nomination and two landslide victories. They had only to follow in the footsteps and example. They failed. The single term of Bush I was hardly the third term of Reagan, which is what the people had voted for. That is why it was a single term.

Bush II was only a semi-chance actually. The Tea Party provided the real second chance. It was as much a reaction to the results of Bush II and the go-along of the establishment as it was to Fearless Leader Obama. The GOP blew it again.

Frankly, the Trump presidency is the result of those failures and lack of fight shown by the Republican Party. And in just three years, the results of a sincere, determined effort can be seen. The vote was not just to stop the constant progressive march “forward” but to reverse it. During the 12 years of Republican administrations between Reagan and Trump, ground was constantly, consistently lost.

I am afraid that we are on verge of the GOP-majority Senate voting to bring in witnesses in a pointless cave to popular media and relentless public clamor from the left. That would not only be weak as rainwater but destructive to the Constitutional process.

If they are really interested in fighting corruption in the executive branch, they have plenty of targets where there already exists an abundance of public records. The Bidens are surely among those. But there is a trove of ready material waiting to be explored about the last administration’s spying during the 2016 elections. Sharyl Attkisson has a couple of books worth of proof concerning the targeting of her as she investigated the Obama administration’s scandals. The list can be long and does not need to be rehashed.

I have never been a “third party” advocate. I lean much more toward Reagan’s preference of “taking over” the Republican Party from those who hold it back from its original calling. As most of us know, the Whig Party was one of the two major political parties after the turn of the 19th century. They basically replaced the Federalists. But they too passed away to time.

As the issue of slavery rose more and more to the front of the national mind, beginning roughly in the 1830s, the Democrat Party was pretty much the party of “leave alone” if not outright expansion. Despite the latest attempts to rewrite our history, our Founding and our Constitution were not pro-slavery events. They were, in fact, the opposite. The Whig Party’s failure to take a strong stand, their failure to stand up and fight, led to their demise. They were replaced by a new party which took up the mantle of anti-slavery. And that party not only prospered but had a decisive hand in directing the future of the nation.

For those who voted for Donald Trump, the campaign was not about the man but about a spirited fight to regain that original American vision – and to put the people themselves (mostly those “credulous boomer rubes”) at the center of the nation’s governance. That vision has been under constant attack for over 100 years. What is at stake is the future of that vision and my liberty. I have come to the point where if the GOP wants to remain a major party, they either need to join us – or get the hell out of our way.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Trump Gives an American Speech

 

On January 21, 2020, one could easily be flooded with pointless, repetitive, and dishonest speech-making if they allowed themselves to be held captive by the pointless, repetitive, and dishonest media coverage of a political party’s effort to rewrite the text and intent of the Constitution. But there was a speech given that day worth noting … and taking to heart.

To know of it, one had to shift their attention from the floor of the Senate to a snow-clad ski resort in Switzerland. The gathering was of internationals “elites” and entitled the World Economic Forum. One of its stated objectives is to “improve the state of the world.” They were told exactly how to do it.

President Trump gave perhaps his best speech. And despite the impression you can get from media bursts, he has given a few very good ones.

I have seen some pointless social media throwaways that degrade the “grade level” of Trump’s words. I have heard one person comment that he does even speak good English. I am not an expert on English composition and have the grades to prove it.

Trump doesn’t have to speak great English. He speaks very good American.

The president’s comments in Davos were American to the core. They did not give the nod to global schemes that some in the past either embraced or at least walked around. He told of America’s success in the past three years. And he told how it was done.

Basically, we began a return to what we were built on. The first responsibility of a government is to its citizens. Every decision – great, good, bad, or yet unproven – began with that in mind.

To this collection of world leaders and CEOs, Trump touted lower taxation, less top-down regulation, and the need to free everyday citizens from bureaucrats. What he talked about was economic liberty. Economic liberty for individuals.

It was made clear that this same prosperity is open to everyone. Others can share in it, not by the United States (or individuals) sending resources as “make-ups,” but by simply practicing the same liberties. Perhaps it was not a “shining city on the hill” poetic moment. But it was a practical, straightforward expression of a simple truth. For the most part, nations and economies do not struggle because of a lack of resources. Their most confining struggles come from a lack of liberty.

The most important American export is the example of how economic liberty can positively affect the lives of citizens at every level of society. Liberty, of course, does not prevent problems. Problems are a natural thing in a mortal world. Liberty is simply the best, most productive, most humane way to meet those problems.

One can read for themselves what the president had to say about the “perennial prophets of doom.” They are to be left behind as the rest of world advances itself not by surrendering power and rights to centralized authority but by nurturing the “big dreams, daring adventures, and unbridled ambitions” of individuals blessed with liberty.

The speech rang of pride in accomplishments. But it also had a clarity about the basic approach from which those accomplishments were born. It was a statement of America’s rightful position of leadership in offering that approach to the rest of the world and of its clear intent to protect its citizens first and foremost.

As a nation, we have a long way to go yet to recover our original path on that walk of liberty. But we have begun. Many of our own citizens have not yet realized it. I suspect that there are more around the globe who have realized it then our media would like to report.

In the middle of the wall-to-wall coverage of political positioning in the Senate, it would serve everyone well if they would pause a few moments to read the Davos address. It is the most American speech from the mouth of a President of the United States (or anyone seeking the office) since Reagan gave his farewell from the Oval Office.

*Note: After posting this I saw that only a few posts down Franco has a video of the entire 40 minutes … I had only read the text last night and reacted to that … it is well worth either the read or the time watching.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Impeachment Idiocy

 

We are now formally into exactly the type of sham that the Framers argued against at the Constitutional Convention. One has only to read the clearest record of that discussion (Madison’s Notes) with even the most elementary understanding to know the whole process was to prevent this type of partisan action by the House.

The Articles of Impeachment were finally released from their hostage status in the House by yet another embarrassing Pelosi moment as she announced the seven House managers for this latest installment of a three-plus-year drama. Flanked by Chairmen Nadler and Schiff, she rambled about “time” long and confusingly enough that even Jerry Nadler briefly moved out of his trance-like gaze into nothing for a second or two to foster speculation that perhaps his months-long coma had ended. Adam Schiff also let those weasel eyes drift toward the heavens a few times as if to be asking for an end to the Speaker’s speaking – or perhaps a clue as to what the hell she was saying.

All of this so that Madam Speaker, who prays for the President each and every night as any good Catholic girl would, might take commemorative pens in hand to sign over the Articles to the Senate. While claiming this to be a grim and painful duty, she carefully signed the Articles one letter at a time to hand out the commemorative pens to proud accomplices. Ever the good soldier, she was able to hide the pain of the moment behind a satisfied smirk.

The list of idiotic features of these Articles could easily exhaust both my time and intellect, each having their limits. But there are a two, or three, or four maybe which spring to my narrow mind.

One is the oddity is that about four (or is it five, I don’t remember if Spartacus is still in the race?) senators who are still trying to become Trump’s opponent in the 2020 election, will sit on the “jury” to determine his presidential status. According to the House Democrats, if Trump’s inquiry into Biden misbehavior that is so very much a part of the public record is so brazen an attempt to affect the outcome of the 2020 election, what then is to be said of his opponent (whoever he or she might be) actually leading an attempt to remove him from office?

Another strange twist to the “charges” (at least to my simple mind) is that, according to the Democrats wording, Trump’s conversation with another head of state was so damnable because Trump himself was going to be running in the election and his “request” was intended to create an advantage for him. If that is the case (using the same reasoning), that same call made by a reelected Trump on January 31, 2021, would be alright. I suspect that the Framers would have wanted any “high crime” justifying the removal of a duly elected president to be much more than merely making a phone call on the wrong date.

I also find it odd that none of the “key witnesses” have actually been a witness to anything except their own self-interested opinions. That includes the latest “surprise” witness who has been shopping around for the best sentencing deal he can get on his recent conviction.

This latest “document dump” by the Democrats is just today’s proof that they have no real case or evidence despite 40-something months of all-out effort by one political party and an entire (with a few exceptions) media. Don’t worry more is coming, I’m sure.

So, with great damage to the Constitution and the vision passed on to us by the Founders, we will begin a trial with no crime, no first-hand witnesses, no actual evidence, and no regard for the hard-earned liberty this violated republican system was designed to protect.

At this point, the best we can hope for is a dismissal after opening arguments. That is what it deserves. By going beyond that, a stamp of approval is given this vile procedure that will ensure it happening again. Anything short of dismissal will push aside the first responsibility that the Senate has in the impeachment process, to prevent the president from serving at the pleasure of the House. But I believe that the Romney crowd will find that will not be media-friendly enough for their tastes. That opens up a whole ‘nother can of idiocy which I will take up ‘nother time.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Limping to Victory

 

He was the only man in the Continental Army who served as a general throughout the whole Revolutionary War, except for George Washington. He never won a major battle. One of his early decisions cost Washington almost half his army. A good part of the war, he was a “desk soldier,” champing at the bit to be allowed another battle command. Outside of Washington, there is no one more responsible for the army’s success.

On the surface, it would have seemed that Nathanael Greene had little chance to become a great military leader. He was born into a Quaker sect that not only opposed war but discouraged “literary accomplishments.” From childhood, he walked with a decided limp. His father was a successful farmer and smith with a large foundry.

The young Nathanael found ways around his faith’s boundaries. He became self-taught in the classics, mathematics, law, and yes, military science. Shortly before his father’s death, he was given charge of the family business.

He was thirty when his father died and it proved a liberating moment for him. Between 1770 and 1775, he helped establish a school, was elected to the Rhode Island General Assembly, married, helped to organize a local militia, and managed to get both himself and his cousin expelled from the Quaker faith. He was on a committee appointed by the assembly to revise militia laws. At one point, he offered to resign from the militia he had helped to form and train because of its members saw his limp as a problem on the parade field.

In May of 1775, he was promoted (perhaps because of political connections) from private in the militia to major general in command of the militia when it was sent to help respond to the siege of Boston. Forty-four days later, he was made a brigadier general in the new regular Continental Army.

By October of 1776, Greene was a major general and considered perhaps Washington’s most trusted officer. He was in command of the last American stronghold in New York City. His decision to defend Fort Washington against overwhelming odds resulted in not only the loss of the fort and New York City but also what constituted almost half of the Continental Army at the time. More than half of the prisoners would die in the prison ships of the British. It would be more than four years before the Continental Army suffered a defeat to match the loss at Fort Washington.

It would be 1780 before Greene would again be the overall commander of troops in the field but, for the present, he was responsible for important command moments under Washington at the battles of Trenton, Brandywine, and Germantown. He was re-proving his ability to lead men and make important command decisions in the heat of battle. But it would be in the misery of Valley Forge where he would make his greatest contribution to that point.

Washington knew he needed both organizational skills and administrative ability in a Quarter Master General if the army was to survive the winter. Greene became that man. It would fall to him to feed and supply an army with almost nothing. Food was not the only issue. Supplies of all sorts were badly needed. Clothes for the soldiers, forage for the animals, firewood, and gun powder were only a few of the items which Greene’s skills brought in.

He was so successful that Washington called upon him to take the position of Quarter Master General of the entire army. His abilities probably saved the army at that point.

He had moved from behind the cannons to being behind the “spreadsheet” and he hated it. He was very good at it and the passion with which he performed this duty spoke well of both his devotion to the cause and to Washington’s ability to persuade.

He hated dealing with Congress. Perhaps this we can forgive him! He fought with them constantly and asked to resign more than once.

When Cornwallis was tearing through the southern colonies to divide the Revolution, Congress refused to appoint Greene as the commander as Washington asked for and instead sent Horatio Gates. In short order, the Americans were handed an embarrassing loss at Camden.

This time, Congress relented and allowed Greene to take command of what was left of the southern command. It was not much. It consisted of less than one thousand men who had just suffered two terrible defeats.

With the addition of Daniel Morgan’s men, the southern forces were barely over one thousand men while Cornwallis commanded over forty-five hundred battle-tested troops. Undersupplied and outmanned, Greene did the last thing most would advise. He divided his command. Morgan would take the “light troops” and head into the backcountry and draw part of the British after him while Greene headed south to find supplies and train.

After Morgan’s classic victory at Cowpens, both Morgan and Greene began a chase across North Carolina to rejoin each other. Morgan was carrying over 800 British prisoners as well. Angered and embarrassed by losses at King’s Mountain and Cowpens, Cornwallis was determined to catch the smaller Continental force and crush it. Together, Morgan and Greene began a race to the Dan River to cross over into Virginia.

In a desperate move to catch the fleeing rebels, Cornwallis burned his supply wagons and anything he thought would slow him down. The great general was beginning to make frustrated mistakes. This one would not be his last.

The Continentals beat Cornwallis to the Dan by mere hours and were able to cross ahead of the British because of Greene’s planning and organization. He had made sure that the route to the Dan was well scouted and planned and that boats were made in advance and waiting.

Cornwallis turned back into North Carolina and declared it cleared of rebels. Across the Dan, Greene supplied and trained for the return trip.

Within a week, with more supplies and additional troops, Greene crossed back into North Carolina to pick his ground for a fight. It was a defensive position near Guilford Court House. His battle plan would be much like Morgan’s at Cowpens. There would be two lines of militia to fire and fall back to be supported by a line of regulars.

The plan worked again. When the British reached the third line, the regulars fired a volley and crossed bayonets with the Redcoats. Greene gave the command and the right flank began to close on the British.

Cornwallis saw that the day was lost if he did not act quickly. He had his cannon turn to the right flank and fire grapeshot (think large, really large, buckshot) into the masses of soldiers. At least half or more of the troops who would be hit were to be British but it was the only chance Cornwallis had to halt the flanking movement.

This time, Greene made the right move in a moment of decision. He had taken a terrible toll on Cornwallis. The ground was of no value to him. He stopped the bloodbath and ordered a retreat.

By the standards of the day, Cornwallis could call it a victory. He controlled the field. But he had taken a much heavier toll than Greene. He was without supplies in a hostile country. Many of his best troops were gone. Even across an entire ocean in Parliament it was noted that another such victory would “spell the ruin of the entire army.”

Disgusted with the Carolinas, Cornwallis crossed into Virginia and began a trek to the coast in hopes of getting supplies and reinforcements. The trek would take him to the port city of Yorktown and the end of the war. His fate had been sealed by a self-trained colonial general with a stiff knee, a bookkeeper’s mind, and a warrior’s heart who finished the war without a battlefield victory to his name.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Morgan’s Masterpiece

 

I don’t often read fiction anymore and hardly ever unless it has a historical context. Recently, I was convinced to order a copy of Oliver North’s book. It is a prequel to some other novels he has written and is titled The Rifleman (no, it has nothing to do Chuck Conners – might have dated myself on that one). I have only begun reading the book, but I am looking forward to it capturing (I hope) the flavor of one of my very favorite Revolutionary heroes, Daniel Morgan.

But the novel has caused me to dig up something that I wrote in another place and time with Morgan more or less at the center. I might have retouched it slightly since it was written in a darker time during the first term of Fearless Leader Obama and it is hardly intended to be a definitive piece.

But in a time when some among us seem to prefer that those who defend or advance our freedoms and ideals be more proper and civil, it reminds us that all heroes are flawed but does not diminish their worth or purpose. It also brings some reflection that perhaps in another time Daniel Morgan could well have been a reasonable choice for Secretary of Defense in a Trump administration – or even FBI Director, we could only hope!

Many of us have seen the movie The Patriot starring Mel Gibson. It centers on a time when the American Revolution faced almost sure failure but turned the tables on the King’s best general. After years of long struggle, the focus of the war turned to the southern colonies and, in a short time, the darkest hours and the brightest days took place. The war was finally won in the South. That win was very much the story of two of the three most important military leaders of the American Revolution. If you have seen the movie you already have a general idea of the greatest tactical battle plan of the war, even if the movie could not do it justice. With this and probably another post I will try to tell their story in a general way. I will risk boring you with too much history because these were not boring men. They were examples of determination overcoming circumstance. They were Daniel Morgan and Nathanael Greene.

Since I am doing the writing, I will begin with my favorite. Daniel Morgan was born into poverty on the frontier of New Jersey. He left home at about the age of 17 or possibility 18 after a conformation with his father. He never spoke of it and never told anyone what it was about.

He drifted to the frontier of western Virginia where he led a rough-and-tumble life. He was described at various times as a drinker, a brawler, a gambler, and a “wincher.” Among the things he was arrested for were assault, drunkenness, arson, and horse theft. He also took time to hire out cleaning land with ax, saw, and team. By the 1760s, he was a property owner with several holdings.

By the time of the Revolution he had served in the French and Indians War and a couple of Indian wars. He had led men in combat and was an expert with both the rifle and tomahawk. He held a commission in the Virginia militia through two different Indian wars.

He was also boot-leather tough. During the French and Indian War, he was shot through the mouth, knocking out a few teeth. He stuffed a rag in his mouth to soak the blood and went about his business. He also was given 499 lashes for striking an officer. It didn’t mellow him any, or improve his opinion of British officers.

He began the Revolution with the rank of captain and led a company of riflemen to Washington’s aid in Boston in 1775. He was later captured during a failed attempt to capture Quebec. He had been surrounded by British troops and backed against a wall but still refused to surrender. He finally gave his sword to a priest in the crowd but refused to hand it to any British soldier.

He spent a few months in a British prison and was released in time to be commissioned a colonel by Washington, who ordered him to raise a group of 500 riflemen who become known as Morgan’s Rangers. Morgan applied tactics to the battlefield that were much more like those of the Indians than the Field Marshals of Europe.

His men were selected for their marksmanship and ability to live off the land. Their uniforms were hunting shirts and they had to show the ability to hit a man’s head at 200 yards. Their view of warfare was not molded by Europe but by the kill-or-be-killed realities of the frontier. In their belts they carried both tomahawks and scalping knives. They were basically a bunch of snipers and guerrilla fighters.

One of the formal military courteous understandings of the day was that officers were not to be targeted. It was an “ungentlemanly” to do so. Morgan was never accused of being a gentleman. He considered officers prime targets. His objective was to create as much confusion in the enemy ranks as possible. Today it is called interruption of chain of command and is a standard practice. To Morgan it was common sense in an all-out fight to win. Also, since one of many advantages that the British had was their well-equipped and highly trained artillery, artillerymen were also prime targets.

By the fall of 1777, Morgan and his command were assigned to Horatio Gates in an effort to stop a British invasion from the north headed by the polished General “Gentleman Johnny” Burgoyne. A successful effort by Burgoyne would have split the states in half and almost surely would have doomed the Revolution.

What became known as the Battle of Saratoga was actually an affair of several weeks spread over several positions but resulted in Burgoyne surrendering his sword because he was cut off by Morgan’s Riflemen. The two most important engagements of those weeks were at Freeman’s Farm and Bemis Heights. In both, Morgan’s command made the decisive move that broke the British. In between fights, Morgan’s men constantly sniped at all scouting patrols and even the camps themselves. This kept Burgoyne from getting information about the surrounding area and supplies. When Burgoyne did make his big move on Bemis Heights, it was without much-needed intelligence about the area.

It was Morgan’s men who held the key position at Bemis Heights and, after seeming to break the British front, the Redcoats were rallied by General Fraser who come riding up on a gray horse. He rode back and forth along the lines redistributing troops in key positions and encouraging them. Morgan, riding his own horse across the field is reported to have said, “That officer on the gray horse is a brave man but he must die!” Three sniper shots later, Fraser fell from his horse with a fatal wound.

Saratoga was the first real victory of importance for the Americans. It ensured that Franklin would be able to convince the French to join America. Without this victory, the Revolution would likely never gotten through its third year.

No one contributed more to that victory than Daniel Morgan. But it was not to be his brightest hour. That would come later at another dark moment in our revolution.

Daniel Morgan’s tactics had been central to the American victory at Saratoga. For two years more years Morgan and his men pursued British troops as guerrilla fighters, captured supplies, and created disorder throughout the King’s Army.

As you may have already guessed, Morgan was easy to anger and slow to play politics. He was continuously passed over for promotion by Congress. He was not the complete picture of an “officer and gentleman” that some envisioned. He was just a stubborn, determined and skilled leader of fighting men. He had many run-ins with Congress and often found their logic irrational (some things never change). In the summer of 1779 he was allowed to retire to his land in Virginia.

After the disasters that were the loss of Charleston and the Battle of Camden, Morgan made his way to the disgraced Horatio Gates and was given the command of the light infantry corps and the rank of Brigadier General. Within two months, he met the new commander in the South, Nathanael Greene.

Greene had decided to split his inferior force and annoy the British troops while he tried to rebuild the Continental forces. Morgan was to take 700 men and strike south to forage for food and supplies as well as harass the enemy while avoiding a battle.

Lord Cornwallis sent Banastre Tarleton after Morgan. Cornwallis expected to crush Morgan’s combination of regulars and militia with Tarleton’s British Legion and then use them as his “eyes and ears” to run Greene to ground.

If you have been paying attention, you might be able to guess that if Morgan saw a chance to strike a death blow that he would take it, regardless of orders. You would be right.

First, I will take the risk of explaining a couple of things about warfare of the period. It is important to the battle. I will try hard not to bore you. Relax, there is no math involved!

Morgan’s Rangers had always been a hit-and-run company because they were riflemen. Most soldiers of the period carried muskets. Muskets were heavy and had not very accurate over more than 40 yards. But most battles in Europe were fought in formation and eye to eye. Because of their heavy construction, muskets could be fitted with deadly three-sided bayonets.

Rifles were much more accurate. A skilled rifleman of the day could hit a man’s head at 200 yards. But rifles were slower to load than muskets. They were also light and could not be fitted with bayonets.

Continental regulars carried muskets with bayonets. For the most part, militia did not have muskets and used their own rifles. A rifleman could load about twice if he was good before he was overrun by British infantry carrying muskets. So, as a rule, most militiamen tended to bail out when their rifles were empty and the bayonets near.

As a result, the British army had developed a false impression of the Continental militia. Both the enlisted men and their officers greatly doubted their willingness to stand and fight when faced with traditional warfare.

To meet Tarleton’s superior numbers, Morgan chose a hilly area where the surrounding South Carolina settlers would graze their cattle. It was called the Cowpens.

Morgan roughly divided his 700 men among militia, regular Continentals, and cavalry. He decided to use the British disdain for militia as the central feature of his battle plan.

The militia would form his front line. Far behind them would be the regulars. The cavalry would be held in reserve on the left flank.

The militia would be in two lines. The first line was to fire two shots and then retreat and form behind the second militia line. Both lines would then fire twice and fall back, this time behind the waiting lines of regulars who would fire muskets and stand to form a bayonet line. The cavalry would strike from reserve.

If battlefield tactics bore you, visualize the movie. The Patriot gave you only a slight wink at how well the plan worked and developed. But it gives you a great starting place.

The night before the fight, Morgan made his way around the campfires. He reminded everyone of their part. He laughed and joked and gave out his fiery gaze.

“Boys, after this, when you get home the old men will praise ya and the women will kiss ya!”

“Give Old Dan two shots, just two shots. And kill with each one.”

The next morning the trap was laid. Tarleton saw the militia at the center and ordered the attack at what he was sure would cave in. The first line fired their two shots and fell back to reform behind the second line of militia. Again, the militia fired their two shots and then broke for the rear.

Oh, Did I fail to say that muskets were famous for firing high?

As the British infantry chased the militia, they topped a slight rise in the ground. Below them at about 30 yards were the Continental regulars who fired a volley directly in their face. The fight became general and heated.

In those days, communication to troops was done through sound, such as drums and horns. In midst of battle, it was easy for confusion to take place.

At the height of the fight, a Continental column misunderstood a sound and began an orderly retreat. Morgan rode to the colonel and demanded, “Are your men beaten?”

The colonel replied, “Do men who march like this seem beaten?”

Morgan at once saw the situation. They were actually drawing the British deeper into the trap. He rode back a little farther, chose his ground and ordered the men to stop and turn. They fired a volley into the bayonet charge of the British at roughly 20 yards.

Morgan galloped to the waiting militia who had done their part and ordered them around the right flank. At the same time, the Continental cavalry was going around the left flank as planned. The British were caught in a terrible three-sided fire.

In all the history of warfare, modern and ancient, there have not been enough successful double envelopments to count on both hands. This one was perfect.

Only slightly more than one hundred of Tarleton’s men escaped death or capture. Cornwallis had lost both his light infantry and his “eyes and ears.”

Over a year before, Morgan had legs and a back that carried the wounds and pains of four wars and headed back to his Virginia land. He was hurting physically and burning inside from the insults of Congress. Now, he once again carried that wounded body back to Virginia and missed the victory at Yorktown. He had done his part and then some.

The days after Charleston and Camden were the darkest of the Revolution since Valley Forge. The life of the Revolution did hang by a thin thread.

To read the history of the Revolution is to know that during those eight years, there were several times each year when the life could have easily been snuffed from it. That Revolution was long. But it lived because of people like Daniel Morgan who answered at just the right moment.

It was not luck. It was the spirit and belief of those who responded. Luck cannot be counted on. The spirit of good people can.

Morgan responded because he was at heart a warrior. Great ideas do not survive without the heart and will of a warrior. Those ideas will always be attacked. That means they have to be defended.

Morgan had his time and we have ours. The ideas of both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution are hanging by a thin thread. We are not asked to respond in accordance to our training or perceived skills. We are simply asked to respond with a warrior’s heart and determination.

The greatest tactical plan of the war was carried out on the fly by a rough-hued untutored son of the frontier. He stopped an army. We have to win an election to save the Founding Documents and leave them to our children.

After Cowpens, Cornwallis was desperate to catch Greene and burned his wagons so he could move faster. He headed across North Carolina determined to capture the Continental Army. Ahead of him lay Guilford Court House and Nathanael Greene.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. A Warrior’s Last Days

 

Kit Carson arrived in Pueblo, CO, riding in the back of Daniel Oakes’ wagon about the second day of April 1868. A runner was sent to the town’s doctor, Michael Beshoar, telling him that Carson was ill and needed to see him as soon as possible. Beshoar was working at his second job which was editor and publisher of a local newspaper. He hurried to his medical office only moments before Carson.

After the examination, Carson spent the night in Pueblo and met with the doctor the next morning for an opinion. He was told that he had an aneurysm of the carotid artery, a bulge in the weakened wall of the artery, and he should have bed rest for a few days before continuing to travel. The old scout refused the bed rest saying he belonged with his wife for the birth of their eighth child. He was given some wild cherry syrup laced with opium and tincture of veratrum to slow his heart. He paid the doctor three silver dollars and left to rejoin his wife.

Three days after Kit and the now 40-year-old Josefa Carson settled back into the borrowed three-room apartment belonging to Tom Boggs in eastern Colorado, their eighth child was born. It was a daughter and Kit insisted she be named Josefita after her mother. It was April 13.

Despite his weak condition, Carson began making plans for building their house. He sent a letter to an admirer he had met in New York on the trip he had just completed saying that he was improving and was happy to be among family again.

In the early evening of April 27, Kit was reclining on a pallet of buffalo robes because their furniture had not been moved from Taos and there were no bedsteads. In the next room, Josefa was sitting on the dirt floor combing the hair of Teresina, their 13-year-old daughter. She suddenly called out to her husband in Spanish and he rushed to her in time to catch her in his arms. In Spanish, she said, “Kit, I am very sick” and was dead in what seemed to Carson only a minute. Her death has been attributed by some to what was commonly referred to as “childbed fever” or puerperal fever but it can only be guessed from the distance of time.

A week after burying Josefa, Carson sent a letter asking that her older sister care for his children in the case of his own death. He also gave instructions for both his body and that of his wife to be relocated to Taos after his death. Ignacia, Josefa’s sister, and her husband began packing and within three days began the 200-mile trip to Boggsville in eastern Colorado. They arrived on May 15 but had missed Carson by a day. He had been moved by army ambulance to Fort Lyon the day before. The day after arriving at the fort he had dictated a will to Army surgeon Dr. Henry Remsen Tilton and signed it with the “C. Carson” he had learned years ago, the extent of his writing ability.

Slightly more than a decade before, an army officer had called Carson “the master horseman among a race of horsemen.” It had been over a year since “The General,” as Carson was often referred to now, had been able to mount a horse even with help.

The two earliest verified pictures of Kit Carson were taken in the mid-1840s. The earliest shows a determined, clean-shaven face with a set jaw and hair almost to the shoulders. The second oldest has Carson in a hat and heavy coat. They both picture a mid-30s man with the direct, calm, and strong look of someone who had been given a leadership role with a brigade of rugged mountain men at 19. The deep chest and wide shoulders are there regardless of his 5’6” height.

On Carson’s last trip to the east, he sat for a few pictures with the Ute delegation and, of course, a political figure or two. While on his return he was prevailed upon to sit for a couple of individual pictures. The reproductions of these two are probably the most published photos of Kit Carson. Without the touchups, they show a man whose body has changed considerably. He was a man dying. He now had a mustache that he had allowed to grow toward the end of his military duty. But somewhere in those eyes, one can still find the man who had commanded independent, willful trappers, had plunged headlong into more fights than could be recorded, had guided some of the more important expeditions of his time and returned them to safety, had been a stern but trusted barrier between Indians and settlers, and had directed military campaigns.

On the afternoon of May 23, 1868, Kit Carson called out to Dr. Tilton who “sprang to him.” There was a gush of blood from his mouth and the doctor “supported his forehead on my hand, while death speedily closed the scene.” Carson, not yet 59, had died.

Each age and generation has its necessary warriors. They protect us all. They make the way for the foundations of our culture, our society, to be built. They then protect that culture, that society, as it grows and matures. Abroad they face enemies and dangers in order to keep them from us. At home, they stand behind thin badges to keep what has been so dearly paid for in the past and present. Theirs is a life not just of duty and struggle but often of split-second actions that change lives forever. It is a heavy task that they take from our shoulders.

In explaining to a superior his handling of a crisis as Indian Agent, Carson replied, “I do not know whether I done rite or wrong, but I done what I thought was best.” I suspect that is a good place for a lot of us to begin.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Duty Always Has a Price

 

In some ways, the path of the public narrative assigned to Christopher Carson’s life illustrates how simple truth can be shaded according to a “story tellers” viewpoint or motive. He was, by most worldly standards, uneducated. He spoke at least five languages with ease and simple clarity but didn’t write in any of them. In mid-lif,e he did learn to sign his name with a plain “C. Carson” to be applied to dictated letters and government documents. In real life, he was direct and plain-spoken and modest almost to a fault.

Meeting him for the first time, many who knew of his almost beyond-human exploits (both real and fictional) were taken back by his soft-spoken manner among strangers as well as his mere 5’6″ height. The “Christian” name given him at birth is seldom remembered and for the most part, he is known by the nickname hung on him by the rugged breed he became a part of when in his teens – Kit.

Over more a century and a half, his “mass media” image has flowed from one of an early comparison to Hercules to a more modern politically inspired one of a darker, violent, even racist archvillain. He was, of course, a much more complicated and simple man – as most of us humans are.

Carson had almost instantly become a “dime novel” hero when John C. Fremont published the account of his first expedition. The “Pathfinder” had high praise for his scout and guide even though it still probably fell short of the full credit he was due for the expedition’s success. Fremont never failed to credit himself at least as much as he deserved.

In the passing years, Kit was the subject of novels, biographies (both reasonably good and others reaching levels of fantasy), movies, and television series. Sometime past the mid-20th century, the Howard Zinn-inspired need to rewrite American history with a deeper concern for creating American shame than grasping our founding nature saw Carson more as a dark avenger with a wide violent streak. In this new role, he killed Indians with a remorseless pleasure. His role in the defeat of the Navajo and their removal from the protection of Canyon de Chelly was presented as just another example of willful genocide that he was more than happy to be a part of. It all fit tightly into a narrative designed to leave a lasting impression of the United States as, according to a recent New York Times writer, “persistently inhumane.”

Kit might have even fed some of this himself with his no-nonsense direct approach to anything that he was a part of. In his “autobiography,” Carson’s description of an event or battle which took others pages if not a whole chapter to cover would be concluded after a few sentences or a paragraph at best. Blunt entries such as “three Indians killed, all horses recovered” or “the prettiest fight I ever saw” could be cited as pure callousness by some. When the old scout was through dictating, there was barely enough to call it a book, and the manuscript was left untouched till 1904.

Carson was brought back into the public awareness with the 2006 publication of Blood and Thunder, the Epic Story of Kit Carson and the Conquest of the American West by the fine writer Hampton Sides, a book centered on the campaign against the Navajo. But even Sides had to spend the politically correct appropriate amount of time on what some wanted presented as Carson’s darker side. Sides does give Carson his due for courage and resourcefulness and does a good job of drawing a picture of the Diné for the readers as well.

Many observers in this “new age” have little real “feel” for the times they evaluate from the safe, warm distance measured in centuries or decades and a social setting where a click of a button can all but remove you from the unpleasantness of the surrounding world. The road to this safer, more comfortable world was paved during times and in places where survival was contested by both nature and man. In fact, these same observers often forget that there are still corners of today’s world where that is still true.

Over the years, there has been serious research digging up old-time interviews as well as reviewing stacks of old letters and journals which help us to draw a clearer picture of the historical Kit Carson than any taken from dime novel fantasy or deliberate reshaping of history. Work by the likes David Remley, Harvey Lewis Carter, Marc Simmons, Tom Dunlay, David Roberts, and Robert Utley help us to place both Carson and his works into a helpful mosaic of his times.

As a mountain man, guide, and frontiersman, Carson’s image will naturally always be associated with American Indians. There is no doubt that he fought and killed Indians. He made no secret of that. He also chose to live most of his life among them, and often lived “in their ways.”

His battles fought with Indians ranged from defending against outright attack, protecting property (mostly horses and mules), recovering property (same horses and mules), and in punishing acts against others. Frankly, this is no different than the battles fought by Indians against whites – or other Indians for that matter. Any Indian “lands” on the frontier west of the Mississippi were defined not by distinct borders but by the knife, lance, and arrow. The tribes were often at war and the “territories” claimed or lost amounted to combat success or failure.

Carson’s first two wives were Indians at a time of life when he fully expected to live his full life in their customs and ways. His first wife, Waa-nibe (roughly Singing Grass), was Arapaho and it seems to have been a good marriage but was cut short by her death shortly after childbirth.

The second was not so heavenly. It was to a Southern Cheyenne woman and was not widely known until after the turn of the 20th century. But Carson was hardly the only man to strike out as her husband. She had already had one husband and would go through at least two more later. All accounts have her being a little hard to get along with (I told you she was Southern Cheyenne) and a 1920s interview with one of her daughters indicates that the meaning of her Cheyenne name was often misread.

“Making Out Road” is the normal moniker assigned to her but her daughter contended that the real meaning of the Cheyenne was more akin to “laying down the law.” A short second marriage might have been understandable regardless of race or tribe. In the late 1850s, Carson and Making Out Road’s fourth husband camped for a few days together in the southern Rockies helping to rescue some settlers. There is no record of what I am sure were some interesting campfire conversations.

Carson’s third wife was Maria Josefa Jaramillo whom he almost surely met in Taos in the home of his friend Charles Bent, her brother-in-law. On January 28, 1842, Carson was baptized into the Catholic faith, probably to ease the objections of Josefa’s parents to having the 30-something trapper court their teenage daughter. A year later, February 6, 1843, they were married in Taos. It lasted a quarter of a century and they proved to be devoted to each other. But the union would have its trials, almost entirely due to Carson’s sense of duty to both friends and country.

But between his baptism and marriage, there was another major event in his life that would transform him from a highly respected frontiersman into a national icon. Carson had escorted a wagon train along the Santa Fe Trail to St. Louis, visited his daughter from his first marriage who had been left with relatives to receive the “proper education” that he so sorely lacked, and had begun his return when there was a chance meeting with Lt. John C. Fremont.

The young son-in-law of Missouri’s powerful Senator Benton was commissioned to explore up the Platte River to the Rocky Mountains. But Fremont was in need of a guide and Carson “informed him I had been sometime in the mountains and thought I could guide him to any point that he wished to go.” Fremont was told by mountain men already employed by the expedition as packers that Kit was indeed a lot more than he claimed to be and Carson was hired for $100 a month, three times what he earned as a hunter for Bent’s Fort. It was just what a prospective bridegroom needed!

The 1842 Fremont Expedition mapped the South Pass, key to both the Oregon and California Trails. It also made its “Pathfinder” leader and his guide national heroes. The service to Fremont also fed what most researchers agree was a strong patriotism in Carson for the nation whose borders he had left as a teen for adventure on the Santa Fe Trail. Carson assured Fremont that he would be available whenever needed in the future.

Carson used the funds from the first expedition to begin a couple of attempts at ranching and farming with partners and create a home for himself and his wife. But by the fall of 1843, he took a job escorting a wagon train heading back to St. Louis for more trade goods past the threat of Comanche and Kiowa raiders. After leaving the train when conditions were judged safe, he returned by way of Bent’s Fort instead of the Cimarron Cut-Off and found Fremont there mounting another expedition. He dictated a letter in Spanish to Josefa and joined the expedition as guide. This one would take the Fremont-Carson team around the rim of the Great Basin, into Oregon, down into California and out again. The trip would mean more acclaim for the pair, more high wages for Carson but also meant an extended time away from “Little Jo” as he referred to his wife when among Anglos.

On his return, Carson and Richard Owens began developing land along the Little Cimarron with the intent of establishing a ranch. But 1845 saw another call from Fremont. This expedition’s stated mission was to locate the headwaters of the Arkansas and Red rivers. But he probably had secret orders to visit Oregon (which at the time was disputed territory between the United States and the British) and Mexican California, and establish an armed presence there in case of conflict. Which is exactly what he did.

War did break out between the United States and Mexico while the expedition was in California. Carson played an important role in what became a very quick “conquest of California” and was sent by Fremont to carry word to Washington. For the sake of speed and distance, Kit left southern California and crossed the desert southwest through the Gila Wilderness. After completing an almost superhuman journey through the Gila, Carson ran into the command of Stephen Kearny who was on his way to California after establishing American control of New Mexico.

Carson, who had hoped to spend time with Josefa on his way to Washington, was ordered to turn around and guide the Kearny command to California. He objected but probably never would have refused what he considered a duty. Carson had been commissioned a lieutenant by Fremont in their “conquest” down the California coast and he now considered himself getting an order from a superior officer. It was a good thing for Kearny and his soldiers that Carson turned around.

Not only did the scout bring the soldiers through the hostile desert intact but when they arrived in Lower California, they found that the “conquest” of California had not lasted long. Kearny found his troops trapped in what is known as the Battle of San Pasqual. It was Carson who slipped through the Mexican lines on foot and then made a legendary tract to get Kearny rescued.

Carson returned to Taos and Josefa and once again and began establishing ranching and trading interests. When Fremont came calling again in 1848, Carson finally declined. This expedition was not for the government but was privately funded to lay out a railroad route along the 38th parallel. Carson did not want to leave his wife again and did not consider the trip a patriotic matter. He also told Fremont it was too late in the year to begin the trip into the heart of the Rockies. Old Bill Williams took the guiding job instead and led the expedition into a disaster which almost cost Fremont his life.

Intent on creating a secure family life, Carson had become a part of establishing a “settlement” on Rayado Creek east of Taos with Lucien Maxwell to supply beef and fodder to the Army. Maxwell, a former mountain man who had trapped with Carson and been a part of the first Fremont Expedition, was the son-in-law of Carlos Beaubien who held the massive Beaubien-Miranda Land Grant (known now mostly as the Maxwell Land Grant).

Over the next few years, Kit was active also with driving herds of horses and mules north for use on the Oregon Trail as well as a highly profitable trail drive of over 6,000 head of sheep into California. When he arrived home from the California drive, he was met with news that he had been appointed United States Indian Agent at Taos. It was a surprise to him because he had not shown interest in the position but now he saw it as a chance for a regular salary and to stay close to home and a growing family (he and Josefa would have eight children). Kit marked the end of the drive and what seemed a new beginning of a more stable home life by purchasing one of the new Singer sewing machines just patented in 1851 for Josefa who was known for her love of sewing.

In a modern world where there is an overt effort and rush by many to attach “racism” to almost anything or anyone, those who want to draw a complete picture of Carson and his long relationships with American Indians need to include a full study of the work done by Tom Dunlay. Dunlay has spent years with the correspondences and records produced by Carson’s time as an Indian Agent as well as his later time in the military. His best work on the subject is simply titled Kit Carson and the Indians and spends over 400 pages on the subject. It is completely necessary for any who wants a true impression of the man.

The unlettered Carson was not allowed any clerical help for the bureaucratic office but was budgeted for a “translator” which he did not need for Indians. The funds were used for someone to take his dictation and to read all correspondence to him. These papers as well as journals of friends show a man constantly struggling to create a safer and more productive environment for those he had been made responsible for, primarily the Southern Ute bands and the Jicarilla Apache.

Carson was certainly uneducated but hardly unwise to the ways of the world. He fully understood that he was no longer a trapper because he could not control the price of beaver. As a result, his quest to provide for himself and family had taken him from trapper, to hunter, to guide, to stockman, and now to frustrated bureaucrat. Likewise, the Plains and Intermountain Indian tribes no longer were in a world where raiding any outside their group could be considered a natural right and entitlement. Kit understood that, even if the Southern Ute did not. He also understood the tribes mostly saw the government annuities given them as bribes not to raid settlers and that a lack of game to that generation of Utes simply meant they needed to raid settlers more.

The individual examples are almost endless when pieced together by the work of Dunlay and others. But Carson was constantly busy arguing policy and details with government bureaucrats and politicos, trying to create “safe spaces” for both Indians and whites, and recovering stolen stock from both Indians and settlers and riding between the tribes. He was much more comfortable about council fires than meeting tables but managed to maintain the respect of all. The Ute came to refer to him with a term which more or less can be read as “Father Kit” or simply “Kitty” when they tried to use his white nickname.

Carson’s task was greatly complicated when gold was discovered in 1858 in what was then western Kansas but would soon become part of Colorado. But almost amazingly, Carson’s constant work between the two groups kept hostilities far below what could be expected.

Carson’s great hope was to be allowed enough territory away from whites to allow the Indians to develop an agricultural economy that would make them more independent and not “be reduced to permanent beggars.” He failed to convince either politicos or those tribesmen who saw little need to change as long as the government would pay the ransom.

The Civil War brought yet another change. Not only were a great many regular Army soldiers and officers immediately called eastward but there was also an exodus of southern-born from their ranks as well. In May of 1861, the War Department made a call for a regiment of volunteers to protect New Mexico Territory from invasion from Texas. Although his family roots were mostly southern (he had one brother who fought for the gray) and one source has him being offered a bribe to organize the Indians against the Union, Carson did not hesitate. He resigned his post as an Indian Agent and answered the call, offering to try and organize a unit of Utes as Union scouts. He began with the rank of lieutenant colonel of volunteers and was moved to full colonel within months and given command of the volunteer regiment.

The invasion from Texas came soon with Carson leading his regiment in the Battle of Valverde helping to turn the Texans. It would prove to be his only action against the Confederates. But he would be a busy commander for the remainder of the war.

The Union military commander in New Mexico was John Henry Carleton and, for the next four years, Colonel Kit Carson would be his right hand in protecting settlers, military installations, and vital transportation routes from hostile Indians. Northern New Mexico might seem remote during that day and time but it lay in the middle of an important route connecting the Union to California and its gold, much needed in an expensive war.

The Mescalero Apache were Carson’s first assignment. Mainly due to Carson’s work, the majority of the Mescalero were at a place soon to be the most notorious in New Mexico, Bosque Redondo. The rest mostly had moved southeast to raid deeper into Texas/Mexico territory.

Carleton was determined to next address the people who had been considered the biggest threat to settlement since the first Spanish had come to New Mexico, the Navaho. Although seldom the subject of Hollywood westerns, the Navajo were the most powerful and dangerous southwestern tribe before the Civil War and hardly the simple blanket weavers as they are so often pictured.

Since the 1600s, they had been the major impediment to European settlement in the area and a constant terror to the pueblo tribes. They had grown powerful and rich by their standard of raiding New Mexicans and retreating to their safe harbor in the Four Corners area of northwest New Mexico. There they had a somewhat pastoral life centered on the livestock and captives taken from New Mexicans. They felt safe enough there to grow some crops and peach orchards that they were especially proud of. Away from there, they were the fiercest raiders of the southwestern desert frontier.

Carleton was ready to act, but first, he had to deny the resignation of the man he considered indispensable for the task, Kit Carson. Colonel Carson had stood ready to turn the Confederate invasion but that had been done and the old mountain man suffered more and more from failing health as well as missing his family. If invasion again became a threat it would be his “pride and pleasure” to serve but at present his “happiness” directed him to “home & family.” Carleton played the duty card on Carson and refused to accept the resignation.

What is often simply referred to as the “Kit Carson Campaign” is the core of the “racist” charges against the old trapper. Carleton stubbornly insisted on the majority of Navajo hostiles being placed at Bosque Redondo, far from the Four Corners. As a result, talks with the principal Navajo chiefs broke down and the campaign began.

Carson employed roughly 100 Ute scouts which he mostly led himself, staying in the saddle through days of hardship on a failing body. The Utes and Navajo were long-standing traditional enemies and Carson not only wanted to personally direct this most effective unit of his troops but also to keep their actions in check against their hated rivals.

Over the weeks of the campaign, crops were destroyed, livestock taken, and captives moved away. In an effort to speed up the surrender of the most hostile Navajo, Carson would release chiefs who had given themselves up to try and convince others to do the same. A full examination of the evidence shows that Navajo deaths at the hands of Carson’s forces were actually fairly light. Independent actions of Utes and New Mexicans taking advantage of the conditions to get revenge for long-held hatreds and plunder for the moment accounted for more.

Carson’s purpose was to destroy the Diné’s safe harbor and force surrender. When the Navajo understood surrender was possible, most turned themselves into Carson.

Kit had little or nothing to do with what are the two aspects of the Navajo conquest which created the most trauma of an extremely hard time for a defeated people. Those two are what is called The Long Walk and the time spent at Bosque Redondo. Carleton was responsible for both. The most Carson had to do with The Long Walk was to warn Carleton that he probably had underestimated the number of Indians to be transported and that they be adequately fed. He argued for their fair treatment when they arrived to be located on the Pecos among the Mescalero who were also traditional enemies.

The Bosque Redondo experiment did not rise to the concentration camp image some like to use. But it was for the most part a terrible time for the Navajo and a grave for far too many. It was one more failed laboratory in a poorly conceived reservation system that the nation had been trying to make work since the 1840s. The suffering of the people located there was real and lasted until the government gave up on the experiment and returned the Navajo to the northwest.

There is much to be added about Carson’s conduct of the campaign that has to put aside for now in a piece that has already gone longer than intended. That campaign can certainly be properly considered part of his legacy. But The Long Walk and Bosque Redondo are also laid onto Kit when they are rightfully Carleton’s legacy and not Carson’s.

Carleton next sent Carson toward the high plains where the Comanche and Kiowa felt safe from troops regardless of blue or gray. The two tribes had taken advantage of the eastern conflict to greatly increase raiding on the Santa Fe Trail, the vital last leg connecting California gold to the east and military supplies to the troops holding New Mexico.

Carson led a force of volunteer troops and Ute and Jicarilla scouts toward Adobe Walls, what was left of an old Bent brothers trading post close to the Canadian River in the Texas Panhandle. At another time this campaign, which proved to be Kit’s last Indian fight, deserves more detail. But basically the column encountered a large Kiowa camp and then a large group of mixed Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache after taking the first camp. A few details of the fight are similar to what took place slightly more than a decade later with George Custer, with a few exceptions. Carson had insisted on bringing artillery and he knew when to back up.

After almost a day of heavy fighting, howitzers were used to cover a retreat to the first village and the corrals of Adobe Walls. Carson then used his own judgment and intel from his scouts to overrule the desire of many of his officers to again attack the larger camp. Artillery and a wise retreat kept the number of Americans killed below 10.

Although Adobe Walls was much more a declared victory than an actual one, it accomplished its mission. The Lords of the Southern Plains turned south in the spring for their raiding avoiding the Santa Fe Trail. The spring and summer of 1865 was a bloody one along the Texas frontier line.

From the time that he volunteered early in 1861 until he was mustered out of the Army in 1867, Kit Carson commanded six different forts, headed four major campaigns, and had been brevetted a Brigadier General for his service. He attempted to resign four different times since 1863 and had always been refused and prevailed upon even after the conclusion of the Civil War to command troops and spearhead talks with the Indian tribes. At least two written responses from Carleton assured him that only he could create a favorable outcome for both sides and he should see it as his duty to follow through.

But unlike regular army officers, those of the volunteer army had no retirement benefits and in one of his resignations he noted he had “become much more poor than at my enlistment.” He confided in one person that, “I fear I have not done right by my children.” He especially worried about their education having been constantly moved between Taos and various army posts over the war years. The government had maintained the New Mexico volunteer regiment to save the costs of transferring regulars to the remote territory but in 1867 it was mustered out. The last one out was General Christopher Carson.

“The General,” as he was referred to most of the time during his last days, attributed his failing health to a 1860 roll down the side of a mountain when his horse stumbled. Whatever the cause, he could hardly mount a horse without help and was in constant pain. He was also the sole support for his family. He hoped to develop ranchland he had purchased along the lower Purgatory River west of Fort Lyon in Colorado Territory. Near the small settlement of Boggsville, he laid out plans to build a house and moved his family into a small apartment owned by his good friend Tom Boggs.

But his government would impose on him still again. The territorial governor of Colorado was responsible for putting together a delegation of Utes and a few whites familiar with the territory for a trip east to meet with President Andrew Johnson. The purpose was a treaty redefining the territory west of the Continental Divide. The core of the treaty was to create a large Ute Reserve far from the existing whites much like Carson had lobbied for in the past.

Carson hesitated, fearing he would miss the birth of Josefa’s eighth child in April of 1868. But he once again gave into an appeal to “his duty” to both the Utes and settlers he had lived between for so long. His trip would take him to Washington and then New York. There those who had known him in the past were shocked at his frail appearance. He was urged to see a doctor immediately but said he had promised the chiefs a trip to Boston and felt obligated to that. He did visit one doctor but passed on his request to stay for treatment, replying that he was eager to be with his wife and family.

Two weeks later he was barely able to step off the train in Denver. He rode to Pueblo laying in the back of a wagon. From there he was able to send word to Josefa he would be on his way in a couple of days. Despite the weather, he declined to sleep in the house with Daniel Oakes because he was afraid his constant cough would keep the house awake. The next day, with Oakes driving the team, they started down the Arkansas River toward Boggsville. Kit rode in the bed of the wagon, laying down and wrapped in blankets.

Eager to see her husband, Josefa asked Tom Boggs to take her upriver to meet him as soon as she received the news of his arrival in Pueblo. They met 20 miles upriver and rode the remainder of the way home together in the back of Tom Boggs’ wagon. For a quarter of a century, Kit and Josefa clung to each other through almost constant interruptions to their life caused by a sense of duty that had not only stolen a lot of their together but left him battered; poorer but determined to build for his family in the time left. Three days later their eighth child was born.

It is important that we remember the stories of those whose sense of duty created personal sacrifices that helped to leave us all opportunities and liberties unseen by humankind for thousands of years of history. It is also important that we not just remember but acknowledge that same sense of duty in a present generation which seeks to protect all of it.

For decades now, our military has been entirely volunteer. We are protected by a small percentage of our best who move themselves, by their own choice, to the front of the line to perform a duty absolutely necessary for a free society to continue to exist. Especially for the past two decades, they have served multiple tours in some of the worst hellholes on our globe.

At home, we are blessed by individuals who accept the frustration of enforcing the rule of law in a world increasingly hostile to their mission and willing to accept without question false slanders against them. It is their job to protect us, our property, and our liberty from a world corrupted.

As fulfilling and necessary as such duty is, it always comes at a price. The individuals themselves and their families and all who care about them pay that price. We have among us scores of young bodies broken from the danger they willingly faced. Others have even deeper scars that can’t be seen from the outside but which still damage themselves and those around them.

These individuals don’t just deserve our acknowledgment and respect. They deserve our support. They pay a price, every day, for their response to duty. In many cases that price is paid their entire lives. Because of their putting duty into action, we have a lasting duty to them.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. The Faces of the Franchise

 

I have always tried to follow my mother’s instructions about not making fun of another’s appearance. Often I have not tried nearly hard enough. And there have been a few times when, I must admit, I have ignored it altogether. Looking over the press photos of the cabal which has been the thrust behind the impeachment farce about to be tossed from the House to the Senate, I am flooded with enough negative thoughts to properly organize them. I am not sure Central Casting could have sent over another set of faces that would suggest so many socially unacceptable jokes. I will do my best to remember Mother’s instruction.

I know that Adam Schiff has often been referred to as being a “pencil-neck”. There has been occasional, I understand, slanders of “bug-eyed” thrown his way. But truthfully, the first term that has repeatedly popped into my mind when subjected to his almost continuous presence on TV has been “weasel”. But I have so far restrained from the public calling him such. And there is a desire on my part to be as fair as possible to actual weasels. I hope that it is duly noted that I am not calling him a pencil-necked, bug-eyed weasel and that I am given all the credit I deserve.

In the case of Representative Waters, I can only recall the age-old saying that “a picture is worth a thousand words”. If I am to continue to heed Mother’s wishes, I should let each of you decide exactly which thousand words to use. But I have thought (privately and silently, of course) that the only thing more twisted than her closed mouth is what comes out of it when opened. Once again, I hope I am given proper credit for not allowing this to pass my lips.

I know that in this specific photo there are several unkind members of the Trumpian cult who would speculate that the best thing about Jerry Nadler here is that he blocks out Speaker Pelosi’s face, preventing any nasty comments about her. I suspect there are some of those cultists who think that Chairman Nadler seems to have a vacant, far-away stare in almost all of his pictures lately (you know, the last decade or so). Some of the more insensitive of that bunch might say he has the look of someone from another dimension of the universe bewildered as to how he can return. Others might say that his seemly stumped unique posture was evidence of being spineless. But I am certain that Chairman Nadler is a vertebrate, regardless of what dimension he hails from – almost.

But the most important (and even permissible under Mother’s guidelines) point to be gained from the picture is reinforced by another photo of the same group so that all seven subjects are fully visible. None of the cabal looks any more acceptable to those who prize their liberty or the Constitution. But it can be quickly seen that all of those who have been so very intent on bringing this farce to the floor of both houses of Congress are solely from New York and California. And I would add, very narrow parts of those two states.

This picture is the reason the Founders/Framers gave us the Electoral College. It is the reason that the present set of leftists in the media and the Democrat Party would welcome doing away with the Electoral College. They really don’t want to be bothered with the quint viewpoints of mere Deplorables. The most important point to be gleaned from the picture is not some comparison to the Star Wars bar scene. It is that there are no rules for those who would drag us into their corrupt vision of a “fundamentally transformed” world. It is not that they don’t look like us. It is that at the bottom of their soul, they are not like us at all. But they are convinced they are our betters.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. House Democrats Admit They Never Had an Impeachment Case Anyway

 

This morning we are graced with “news” that House Democrats will present two articles of impeachment to the full House. The two “charges” are probably the two most vague, unspecific, unconstitutional things they could manage to throw out without dropping the whole thing altogether, proving that at this point mostly about the 2020 election and doing as little damage to their brand as possible.

If they fail to add to these two, they will be left with “charges” that not only have nothing to do with law or the Constitution but are flaming examples of exactly what the Founders/Framers were trying to prevent. It would be hard to think of two that would better illustrate the “maladministration” suggestion rejected by Madison and the rest of the Constitutional Convention, including the man who originally suggested it.

This across-the-board coup attempt by media, Democrats, and Never Trumpers of both the open and closet varieties has moved from one hoped-for offense to another as each proved to be empty when exposed to sunlight and fresh air. Bribery, for instance, was such a buzz word only a few days ago but is nowhere to be found so far in these charges, much too specific and requires something that at least resembles evidence.

Monday’s hearings proved to be just another Democrat embarrassment to any who bothered to look or listen beyond the selected network soundbites. I have truly been surprisingly proud of the fight and focus Republicans have shown during the House proceedings. I hope that their Senate brothers measure up. I do not have my expectations as high as I would like. But this nation deserves for the GOP Senators to step forward as clearly as the members of the GOP House have.

What are these “other high crimes and misdemeanors” which the Democrats have landed on?

Abuse of Power is not only vague beyond description but can be applied to almost any political opponent if one lets their imagination wander very far. In far, it is almost comical considering that this administration has followed what might well be considered the most constitutionally impeachment president we have had. There was hardly a day, and certainly not a week, that went by when BHO did not thumb his nose at either existing law or the Constitution with an executive order or open act. I believe it can be argued that this president has closely followed constitutional guidelines more faithfully than in any in quite some time.

Obstruction of Congress, not obstruction of justice mind you, refers to nothing more than a separate and equal branch of government exercising its rights. Never has a president been required to provide papers to Congress without either consent or a ruling of the courts. President Trump has done little more than claim that right. What these charges suggest are powers of an equal branch that Congress simply does not have. This alters if not destroys the very foundation of our system.

We will see if they can invent something else that they hope can pass the smell test for 2020 voters before any vote of the full House next week. But so far, they have only had to retreat more and more as this years-long coup attempt plays out.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Our Liberty’s Greatest Threat (At the Moment)

 

It is not often that either Chris Mathews or Joe Scarborough are right about anything. But a couple of weeks ago, on the same day, they both used their own words to speculate that the nation was on the verge of a crisis that would endanger its very existence. Of course, they were dead wrong about what the crisis was or the reasons for the danger. As a matter of disclaimer I would like to make it clear that I did not go on an MSNBC binge. I picked up these insights from short clips. Long ago I determined that MSNBC should only be consumed with accompanying dozes of good Irish whiskey. And, unlike Irish whiskey, MSNBC should always be restricted to short, well-spaced dozes. The whiskey is always more enlightening, honest and clarifying.

Our Republic is in the middle of just the latest attack on its very nature and purpose. But it is one of the most severe and is made possible by a decades-long campaign against a culture of individual liberty which was that Republic’s springboard. The immediate threat is a knife-to-the-heart-of-self-government impeachment farce to remove a duly elected president without cause. The overall threat can go by many names but currently can best be titled modern progressivism.

Its goal has always be the out-right destruction of our Constitution, hence our rights; our individual choices. Over a century ago, a wise reader could easily have seen this nail in the coffin of constitutional self-government in the writings of Woodrow Wilson before he ever stumbled into the governorship of New Jersey and then a split-ballot presidential election.

When James Madison rose at the Constitutional Convention to challenge George Mason’s suggestion to add the fat too broad “maladministration” to the causes for impeachment, this present circus was exactly the type of thing he wanted to prevent. For as he and almost all of the Framers knew, removal by reason of personality, momentary popularity, policy disagreement and any number of other partisan or personal charges destroys the bedrock of constitutional self-governance. Removal for other than specific, defined, proven actual behavior is simply overruling valid elections. This present circus is exactly what Hamilton feared in Federalist 65 which has mischaracterized so often in trying come up with anything that resembles a logical and constitutional basis for the impeachment sham. This merely places the presidency (of anyone) at the whim of the House and destroys the basic concept of divided powers, which Hamilton described as a death sentence to our divided system of government.

These observations are hardly new and I claim no great insight. It can be easily seen that this impeachment began even before Trump was sworn in. It has nothing to do with a very appropriate phone call to another national leader, or intrigue with Russian operatives or an imagined obstruction of Congress by merely exercising the rights of a separate and equal branch.

This impeachment is the latest step in a process to destroy our constitutional order which began well over a hundred years ago. It has been in the works that long and has taken that long to reach this point. Dismantling the constitutional order has been the progressive’s goal from the beginning. And any who cheer on this latest attack on that order for whatever reason are accomplices in advancing that goal to new lengths.

Regardless if you care to refer to the attackers as progressives, leftists, utopians, communists, socialists or statists, their objectives will always end in the restriction if not the elimination of MY liberty. There is no respect for individual choice, property rights, personal religious conscience, economic freedom or even human life. And that includes your liberty as well.

These natural, divinely delivered rights are far more important to this generation and all those to follow than your or my opinion of anyone president’s vocabulary, demeanor, tweets, manners or even his supposed character. I see no greater character flaw in a public official than behavior that will take away my liberty. Government healthcare, growing heavy-handed government regulations, turning a back on border control measures and failing to call out liberty killing “climate change” demands for what they present a far greater threat to the Founders/Framers visionary gift than anything done by this president. To fail to kill Obama Care when given the chance is a far greater betrayal of the Constitution than a phone call to a fellow foreign leader or a course tweet.

All of us need to acknowledge that the decades-long path which brought us here has for the most part been a comfortable one, made comfortable by those who should have been fighting the hardest. Since 1928, there have only been two periods in which the progressive agenda has not advanced steadily – the Reagan administration and the present one. Certainly, there were three “great leaps” under FDR, LBJ and BHO but the advance continued in all the other times as well.

For the most part, the leadership of the political party which should have stood the firmest against this trend accepted it – only in smaller and slower portions. “Progressives” like Woodrow Wilson were writing before the turn of the 20th century about ways to step pass the constitutional order to better serve the progressive goals that it obstructed. Of course, as Wilson suggested, one of the most important was to attack through the unelected courts. This has been the left’s most successful method of overturning both plain constitutional language and public will.

The last three years have given us the most successful turn-around of the courts to date. Certainly, we have added one fairly good constitutional jurist to the Supreme Court and another whom I suspect will not measure quite so well but be a vast improvement over ANY appointment by a Democratic president. But probably the greatest impact has come from the appointments in the lower courts. It will not be long before over 20% of these judges will have been confirmed during this administration. In three days of Stalin-like congressional meetings last week, eight more judges were confirmed.

Regardless of the stage in which we find ourselves in this sham of an impeachment drama, it should be apparent to even a bias anti-Trumpian what a “star chamber” event it is. A self-governing republic can never be served, only undermined, by such doings.

Over the last hundred or so years the resistance to the steady and forceful march of the left has been greatly undermined by a self-serving, often docile, comfortable establishment elite of the “opposition party” and a conservative pundit class who were much more political intelligentsia than grass-roots conservative. It has been the grassroots which have been stirred and finally panicked by the excess of the left and their agenda. These grassroots waited – and waited – and waited some more for their “leaders” to actually fight back. They instinctively knew that fighting back is not merely slowing down the progressive march but stopping it and hopefully to begin a slow process of gaining back some ground.

These grassroots finally screamed at their “leaders” through a truly grassroots Tea Party Movement. But in the end, these mere peasants were abandoned by those “leaders”, dismissed as “wacko-birds” or well-intentioned amateurs after they were mined for some votes.

For those who seem to have should a hard time understanding the election of and support for Trump, I will try and give a poor peasant’s simple appraisal. Those grassroots have and have had an urgent sense of how dangerous and advanced the left’s agenda is. They don’t trust the political class to fight hard enough to save the American culture. They understand that this agenda not only has to be defied but stopped, reversed and hopefully defeated. Trump is the symbol of that defiance. But he is not the embodiment of it. But so far, he has certainly been its instrument.

The hard truth for all the “conservative” pundits who can stroke their chins in measured conversations is that in less than a full term Donald Trump has done more to advance liberty-based policy and undermine leftist agenda than all of the career politicos and academic think-tanks wizards put together. And he didn’t do it by virtue of his long-studied reflection or a courtly manner toward those who would destroy our liberty, regardless of the pace.

This president was elected because that grassroots believed he would try and do just what he said he would, which the majority of elected GOP politicos were not doing. And so far, they were right. He has not been helped very much by the political class members of his own party but he has moved the ball and actually made a few stops on third down.

If you agree or not, the nation can be grateful for the work of most House Republicans. I doubt the Senate GOP members will be as great but I can hope, for the sake of the nation.

To reject and denounce this impeachment is not to defend Donald Trump. You do not have to accept his policies, personality or even his behavior. What HAS to be defended here is the basic principles of the Manga Carta. And all centuries it took to reach a point in history so that the Carta could take place. And the almost eight centuries since when an accumulation of experience with common law, enlightenment and various forms of tyranny melted together to give our Founders/Framers a unique moment in time to create a gift to us. Those Founders/Framers did not pass on to us mob responsive parliamentary system. They left us a system based on basic rights and responsible process.

To accept this impeachment is to accept tyranny based on your dislike for a personality. Regardless of the excuse, tyranny for any reason only strengthens the next tyranny. And it, by its nature, reduces liberty for everyone. When Donald Trump’s liberty is violated so is My liberty and so is Yours.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. A Cornered Rat Reponds

 

Last week, the airwaves were full of media praise for Nancy Pelosi to cover for a meltdown seemly aimed at reporter James Rosen but I feel was much more a vent toward a plan going very badly. The media certainly came with both barrels. Chris Mathews and selected Hardball panelists agreed that it may well have been her “finest hour.” That tower of truth Lawrence O’Donnell celebrated her “crushing” of Rosen. Andrea Mitchell attested to Pelosi’s “deep faith” and her sincerity in citing her status as a properly raised Catholic. And the ever-so conservative of convenience David Brooks, no doubt more impressed by the crisp crease of her pantsuit than her substance, called it a “beautiful moment.”

When I bothered to watch the clip of the press conference (actually just a tight, measured statement to the reporters) and her turning on Rosen as she was leaving, my first impression was of a cornered rat striking out and releasing the frustration with its predicament. It might have been quite a bit of her own doing, but Pelosi has been cornered into calling for the bills of impeachment after losing all of the battles needed to make the measure favor her party and her ends.

A person who knows they have control of the situation does not meltdown like that. In her case, I believe she was on-board for an impeachment from the beginning but intended to play it for the full political benefit. And certainly, the present timing would be great for influencing the upcoming elections (seems to be a theme the Dems can’t escape from) if events were in their favor.

The heavy-handed committee meetings with such apparent lack of fairness (not mention evidence of any real kind) have been an across-the-board bust. The more they do, the easier it is to see they have no real case except a distaste for the president and anyone who voted for him. The parade of “witnesses” has been little more than a collection of career swamp dwellers unhappy with the rejection of their great policy insight who had no first-hand knowledge of anything and a selected set of snarky left-wing academics – all of whom appeared to talk down to everyone else without a D in front of their name or not holding a media card. One of the self-important, bow-tied professors even began by instructing us on his “conclusions” before even addressing any points of law and constitutionality.

The bottom line is that the more that the media and House Democrats have thrown out, the more support for Trump has grown. The more the whole thing is too easily seen through, regardless of one’s personal opinion of the president. It is a dishonest sham that can only damage our system of laws.

I am sure that the internal poling that all politicos do is even more telling than what reaches the public. And that it looks bad enough for Speaker Pelosi.

And a Senate trial, which will be more widely watched any of these terrible committee hearing, will allow Republicans (if they have the backbone) to call witnesses who will certainly open up more to the public eye than is comfortable in an election year. There are a few reasonable voices that doubt that it will be allowed to get to the Senate because of that. I am not that insightful.

But I do believe that each of these missteps have made it harder and harder for the House to avoid sending it to the Senate.

But even that poling which is allowed to reach the public eye shows the president gaining ground, not just across-the-board but in so-called battleground states and districts. And the crowning touch was data which suggested his approval among minorities was well over 30 percent. That is indeed a panic signal for the party of dependency.

For several reasons, in that flash of time when Madame Speaker wheeled on Rosen, I didn’t see a devout Catholic defending her love for all mankind (except, of course, for those in their first, second, or third trimester – or maybe a few minutes past), I saw a scheming rat cornered and angered she couldn’t find the next turn in the maze.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Human Misery and the American Model

 

The nature of our national founding has been under constant attack for what now has become more than a century. We are now closer than we have ever been to losing that struggle and becoming something entirely foreign to the basic concepts which have been the pillars supporting the single most successful and beneficial secular endeavor mankind has yet launched.

The crisis inflicted by illegal immigration is only one example of a many-pronged assault. It is only a piece in a mosaic but is certainly a destructive one. Like all the other pieces it strikes at some key values central to our success as a self-governing republic. One of these is, of course, culture. Another is the very necessary respect for rule of law.

The question of illegal immigration is also an example of a long-standing technique of the left to push their agenda while both distracting from the actual central issue involved and placing any opposition on the defensive. Many leftist arguments stir a false compassion presenting their ideology as an answer to some human misery. It certainly cannot be denied that there are millions upon millions all over the world who would benefit from living in a cleaner, safer and more prosperous United States. Everyone who looks into the face of a desperate, hungry and fearful child wants to do something for them, wants them to be fed, clean and safe.

And there are several ways that we can, as individuals, play a hand in such things.

But I will say that if the people of those other nations are to be helped as a group, their nations have to adopt some form of what I will call the American Model. The “magic” factor for these nations is not some form of international welfare or to take their poorest off of their hands. That factor is liberty.

Through a few thousand years of history, the vast majority of human beings on Earth have lived in poverty and under tyranny. It is only recently that vast amounts of wealth and across-the-board leaps in the standard of living for all has become common. The advances have been explosive and have pretty well been in proportion to how deeply rooted a nation or society is in this “American Model”.

Many of the components of this American Model were hardly invented by America. It was just in America that they were more fully planted in a soil of liberty and allowed to function more fully than any other place in history. It is a collection of man’s experiences, lessons, hopes and continual exploration of his own existence. It is the trial and error process of securing each person’s liberty and protecting him from tyranny, regardless of its form. It was here that those threads of man’s experiences were woven together into a system built around the vital elements of human liberty.

So what are the vital elements of this model? In the simplest form, it is to grow those things which enhance individual liberty and limit as much as possible those that grow tyranny. A small as possible, limited government as part of a federal system, a market of free exchange with secure, protected property rights for individuals, a commitment to natural rights, a moral grounding in Judeo-Christian civilization and a commitment to freedom of conscience, and a focus on the rights and responsibilities of the individual are all on the list.

But, for now, I will devote the rest of this space to the element which allowed all those threads to come together to form an American fabric whose pattern could be shared with the rest of mankind for its benefit. That is the “soil” which allowed those collected ideas and ideals from centuries to sprout. That soil is culture, a culture of liberty. A culture of individual liberty. Almost left alone on the eastern seaboard of a new continent, those small groups of scattered pioneers breathed life into those concepts far from the hand of kings, lords and even centralized clergy. Each area had its own distinct character, habits, and personalities but they revealed in their independence and the challenges it brought. Settlements grew into cities, all different from the others but united in the traits of independent souls.

All of those regions of the “old world” which contributed threads to this new fabric failed to complete the job. The Greeks, Romans, English and more all were a part of the traditions blended into this culture which could “sniff tyranny on every tainted breeze.” But none of these became what America would make of itself.

One of the great myths of so-called progressivism is the greedy, selfish image of a capitalist free market. This economic model has not just produced the wealthiest of nations in the United States. It has created the fuel for the most expansive humanitarian outreach the world has yet seen. We all are aware of the flood of American government funds which are sent around the world for various reasons, real and imagined. But few also realize that the humanitarian funds from private American donations far exceed the governmental foreign aid. And in almost every case they are far more effective in the real lives of those who need them most.

It should come as no surprise that far too much of the government-to-government “aid” is lost as it moves through one bureaucratic filter and then another.

The same is true of private “charity” within the United States itself. We are by far the most generous nation in the world, past or present.

But, still, one of the left’s constant ruses is to weaponized compassion and paint any notion competing with theirs as cruel and uncompassionate.

The cruelest thing we could do to the disadvantaged trapped in “the rest of the world” would be to lose our culture of liberty. I am afraid we are dangerously close to losing in among our own “home grown” people. Those who are allowed to join this “national family” have to be motivated by a true desire to “breathe free” as a part of that distinctive American culture and not merely better themselves.

This American model can fit into any corner of the world. Just as some parts of it may vary from state to state or town to town, so can it vary some from country to country. It is about the individual. Therefore, it can be personalized to its setting. This why it is so important that we do not lose our own distinctive culture of liberty. The world will lose its model, its clearest example. This is also why, in order to keep it for ourselves, we must decentralize so much of what has grown in the last century and return to the original vision of local powers.

When people are left to innovate they prosper. Hong Kong is now in a struggle to keep their self-control from the mainland Chinese. But they have been a shining example of how a tiny dot without any real resources except the drive and their own people can prosper beyond any expectations. They did so mainly because the British allowed them to during the time of “the lease”. They seized the chance and realized the rewards of economic liberty. The American Model is not just a Western thing or a “white man’s” greedy path. It is for all who realize that individual freedom is responsibility with consequences and are unafraid to plunge in. Perhaps Collin Kaepernick doesn’t grasp that, but Fredrick Douglass certainly did, just read his “Self-Made Men” speech. And then read it again – every week. It is a priceless statement about independent individual liberty. You might mail Collin a copy but due to some of his recent tweets I am not sure he reads Douglass any better than he did double zones in nickel coverage.

Individual liberty cannot survive where it is not understood. It cannot survive without the rule of law and a limited government. Centralized power is always a great threat to that liberty and government is the worst system for handling human relationships.

The most humane way for a strong America to help the oppressed of the world is not to water down the essential elements of its own success. Its most valuable export is the example of what a culture of individual liberty under the law can do when it is embraced, fought for and implemented by a population determined to manage its own affairs. To best help the world’s oppressed, you do not remake America. You reinforce it and its founding principles.

Mother Teresa certainly saw poverty at its worst during her life of service. But she observed that “the most miserable thing about poverty is the feeling of not being anyone, without personal worth.” That personal worth can best be expressed in this secular world by being able to live out the individual rights extended to us all by a divine hand.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. That Single Word

 

Donald Trump will never have the smooth public speaking style of Ronald Reagan. I suspect that there will always be a halting pace to his speeches that would beset many of us. His natural setting for honest discussions is much more eye-to-eye and, many would say, street level. But I have come to believe that he brings an emotional honesty to both stages.

Trump’s words overlooking the Normandy site of so many brave, life and death struggles crammed into those desperate first hours on June 6, 1944, were among his best. He has actually become quite good at times. The last State of the Union was excellent. And he is believable. He may not write the full text of his speeches but I am now sure he does not leave in anything he does not believe. I do believe that the words, regardless of the author, reflect the man.

But that day, that remembering of this greatest of all land invasions, was hardly about any who spoke or heard. It was about a single word in Trump’s remarks. He only used it twice that day. But it is a word I notice and listen for whenever those who govern us (or bring us “news”) grace us with their opinionated but incomplete thoughts. It is hardly used despite it being central to everything we were created to be nationally.

Although only used twice, the word was used well by Trump. It was at the beginning so that all that followed fit within the meaning held by its seven letters. It was toward the very end. It bookended his thoughts.

The President observed that they were all “gathered here on Freedom’s Altar” to remember those allies who gave so much “for their countries,” “for their brothers,” and “for the survival of liberty.” Liberty is that single word. The public discourse rarely uses it anymore. Just listen. There will be substitutes that are good words themselves such as freedom and democracy. But we were not created to be a democracy. We were created for liberty — liberty of the individual. Democracy gives us some voice but it does not give us liberty, history has proven that. In fact, it can take liberty away if the vote says so.

We are a republic. But not for the sake of being a republic. That is simply the best form to preserve as much individual liberty as possible and keep an ordered, just society.

Freedom can certainly be considered a synonym for liberty and is often used that way. But if it is correct or not, I feel it carries a more general sense to it than liberty which, to me, is more personal and individual.

I feel the Founders/Framers saw it much the same. “Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness” and securing “the Blessings of Liberty” were central to our founding documents.

The nation was founded so that we would be secure in our liberty — not for a guarantee from the worldly tides around us. It was an extension of a western tradition of free-will that had grown to the point of creating a home for its cultivation. It was a place for the exercise of individual, free choices. It is through the exercise of these choices in a free society that true character is best built. Even the most convicted atheist benefits from the Judeo-Christian tradition of an individual, personal God, and the individual responsibilities and choices which come with it.

One of the residential effects of a culture of individual liberty and choices is the ability to adapt, to innovate. Nowhere was this better displayed than in the often confused hours of June 6, 1944. The Normandy Invasion was a complicated masterpiece. It was also a steaming hot mess. So many things went wrong with so many untried, never before attempted things with so very, very, much hanging on the outcome.

Landing craft fell short of the beach, paratroopers so critical to taking out and cutting off key Nazi armaments were dropped in the wrong places, brave men had to plunge into the water and struggle just to make the shore, there were communication foul-ups. But in the desperate chaos, Americans raised in that liberty of independence made vital adaptations, innovations, and turned almost countless “hopeless” situations into a combined victory for liberty. Most were not seasoned vets but young, very young, men who still had been raised in that culture of liberty, responsibility, rise, and achievement. Assumed risk is always a companion of liberty.

But the soldiers of the landing crafts made the beaches despite losses as high as 90% for the first wave and 70% for the second, the Boys of Pointe du Hoc created new scaling methods while penned flat to the face of the cliffs and then followed a former Texas A&M Aggie over the top, the scattered paratroopers found fragments of other companies and moved on to adjusted targets, the deadly machine gun fire was finally quieted and the Allies had a toe-hold on continental Europe. An American general later observed that no other army in history could have made so many critical adjustments under such pressure. These young, hastily-trained “sons of liberty” responded as only a responsible, independent-minded citizenry can.

Mark Levin has managed to give us several gifts of clarity as an author and commentator on both radio and now television. But perhaps his clearest is the simple title of his masterpiece Liberty and Tyranny. Our choices really are that simple. All of history, as well as our daily choices about society, operates on a somewhat sliding scale between Liberty on one end and Tyranny on the other. We cannot give up the choices, the liberty, of our lives without sliding toward the tyranny end of the scale.

There are no “perfect times” in history. Nor will there be until a more divine hand is at the helm. Those of our time speak little of Liberty and even give conditional qualifications to the words we try to substitute for it – such as equality and justice. The equality of liberty does not need a qualifying word in front of it because it means being equal in the eyes of the law and of God. There is no “racial,” “economic,” or “environmental” justice. There is only justice. These are simply phrases to distract from the very necessary concept of individual liberty. Tyranny will always prefer people to see themselves as classifications or victims instead of independent individuals.

I will keep listening for “that single word” to be used more and more. But I will also be aware of tone with which it is used and the central role it is given. I would hope that it (and its very real meaning) is something we all become comfortable with again – actually not just comfortable with, but passionate about. It is our path to remaining “a noble nation, with a virtuous people, praying to a righteous God.”

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. The Big Die-Up and Climate Change: Then, Now, and Always

 

As the Civil War drew to a close, a Texas frontier awash with millions of almost worthless, hard-twisted, wild-eyed cattle looked north to find a source of ready cash. The popular image is of the long drives toward the newly built railroads beginning to stretch across the middle plains of Kansas where a $4 Texas bovine would bring $30 to $40 for shipment back to more eastern slaughterhouses.

And it is certainly an accurate image since thousands of Texas cattle made their way to a series of Kansas railheads beginning with Abilene in 1867 and stretching to Dodge City later on. But many didn’t stop there and were headed north for the northern ranges. In fact, the first of these post-Civil War herds to land on the northern plains to be grazed was driven to Montana in 1866 by Nelson Story who used his earnings from a gold strike to outfit a Texas herd that would become both food for miners and seed stock for one of the first cattle ranches in Montana.

By the early 1870s, many Texas cattlemen were driving herds on northward to fatten on the grass of the open prairies beyond Kansas. For the most part, the traditions of an open range applied and many considered it “free grass.” By the mid-1870s the Texas Panhandle had been opened to cattle by Charles Goodnight. Although Goodnight did not believe in a “free grass” approach, he did break ground on an innovation that greatly added to the boom on the more northern ranges – foreign investment. His Panhandle JA ranch was possible because of the major investor, aristocrat John Adair (hence the JA brand). Goodnight put his faith in land ownership and the improvements and responsibilities that came with it, so he expanded the legal boundaries of the JA whenever possible as well as using long-term leases of state-owned lands.

But that was not the rule throughout most of the northern Great Plains. For the most part, it was open range grazing with little or no improvements. The 1870 tax assessments for Wyoming Territory showed a total of 8,143 head of cattle on the rolls. By 1880, the number was 521,213. And there were like numbers stretching from there to Montana, through Nebraska and into the Dakotas.

One of the results from all that “free grass” was overgrazing since there was little or no control on it, making long-range planning impossible. The native grasses of these plains are hardy but like most of us need recovery time. As great as the wandering buffalo herds of the pre-1870s were they tended to graze heavily and move on. After close to a decade of steady abuse, the ability of the ranges to recover in a season was stretched greatly.

On top of this came a very natural factor, drought. A great many of the northern ranches began during a comparatively wet period. As surprising as it may seem to some, there were severe swings in weather patterns before wide use of the internal combustion engine. Actually, a dry period was much more the norm for these central, high plains. And so were harsh winters (and still is).

The winter of 1885-86 was a hard one with plenty of heavy snow. But it would seem mild before another year passed. The heavy snows were followed by a dry spring and blistering summer which saw water sources dry up and the overgrazed grass fail to regrow. Wildfires burned some of the dried grass that was there.

The snow began to fall in by mid-November of 1886 and in many parts of the northern range fell every day through December. Then the temperatures spiked as high as 50 degrees giving some hope for an early thaw. But the melting snow only formed a sheet of ice when it again went below zero, creating an icy crust that had to be broken through after hungry animals had dug into the new snows in search of food.

By this time, the south plains ranchers had strung an inconsistent network of fences known as “drift fences.” They intended to simplify spring roundups and the sorting of cattle by owner. Since cattle had a natural tendency to drift toward the south on the open ranges during the winter, the fences were supposed to keep the cattle of a general area more or less in the correct region. By the beginning of 1887, most of these were buried in snow and cattle drifting southward ran into the hidden barriers. Cowboys rode the stretches of fence and cut wire to let the cattle through but many never found the opening. By spring, thousands upon thousands would be found dead along the drift fences. Many Panhandle ranches put their losses at 75 percent. Many on the ranges north of there would have happily settled for that.

The time surrounding this harsh winter quickly became known across the prairie as the “Big Die-Up.” But what resulted from it was much more than the carcasses of what may well have been a million head of cattle. It changed the nature of ranching on the Great Plains.

Goodnight’s JA ranch certainly had its losses in that frozen period. But he had invested both capital and labor in digging dirt tanks, building dams and trying to control water sources as well as managing grazing on a ranch that was surely vast by some standards but had been divided for grazing rotation. His range had been better preserved but he was still taught a harsh lesson about the need for cutting prairie hay for winter feeding.

By 1900, there were still large ranches on the plains but they were run differently and there were many, many smaller ones which could be more closely managed. The Big Die-Up didn’t kill ranching on the Great Plains. It improved it. It forced changes, adaptations.

Nature has always been ever-changing, unpredictable and often harshly cruel. Man’s greatest asset in dealing with it has been adaptability. It is what has caused him to survive and then to prosper regardless of the surprises or turns of that ever-changing natural world.

That great intellect Walter E. Williams recently wrote a piece in which he made the point that the natural world is anything but fragile. It is tough and resilient.

Climate change is one of the most meaningless terms that can be imagined simply because earthly climate has always been under constant change and, I suspect, always will be. By the relative standards of history, it has not been that long ago that icy glaciers reached southward to cover almost half of what is now the United States. There was a time when the region now known as the Sahara was lust. Where was a time when northern Europe was warm enough to grow the grapes for wine. There were times in the “Little Ice Age” when New York harbor froze.

All of those things changed and affected the lives and lifestyles of the humans caught in them. But human beings were able to prosper despite the whims of nature. They did so not by changing or even managing nature. They did so by adapting to it. Human life, as a part of nature, is always subject to constant change.

Perhaps the best example of the genius of the Founders/Framers is their acknowledgment of true nature, natural law, and their building of a system designed to work within it. The nature of man to be sinful while carrying the individual possibility of great nobility, the natural rights around which a just and free society must operate and the importance of individual private property and free exchange (free market capitalism) are only part of accepting the natural order of “Nature and Nature’s God.”

One of the clear distinctions between progressives (or whatever current title they are assigned) and the conservative mind is their view of that natural order. They seek to control with self-anointed importance a nature that they are supposed to learn from, embrace, and adapt to. To them, rights can be created as time and desires evolve. Nature itself, of both earth and man, can be managed with the insight of experts.

The conservative mind realizes that man is subject to nature, not the other way around. The only nature man has control over is his own. He can individually tap that noble potential within himself. It is a potential placed there by a hand that is both outside of and above nature. That hand, that force, is the only thing that can be outside and above nature and it is divine. Most of us simply call it God.

The almost childish notion that man can control climate or that he can even define the ideal climate is a denial of what has proven to be one of his greatest assets, the ability to adapt. If a thousand-mile ice sheet has not destroyed man, a couple of degrees one way or another won’t either. There is plenty of both real science and history to discount the false panic of those who really are talking about control, not necessity. And they are not talking about controlling nature. They are talking about controlling men.

Man’s relationship with nature is the one given by that divine hand. It is one of stewardship. And, yes, that stewardship involves use. Man has not changed the natural windy, dry climate of the Great Plains. But he has adapted to its features. That trademark wind can turn blades which pump water from deep underground to create food for man and animal alike. The crude oil naturally produced and trapped by the rocky layers resulting from the endless climate changes of the centuries can be released to fuel an ever improving lifestyle for millions of people. The short grass prairies can put millions of pounds of good protein on tables all over the globe while actually improving themselves. Forests can supply wood to a growing population and be replanted to actually increase in size and quality. The North American whitetail deer population can be hunted and harvested by millions of hunters each year and still have a higher estimated number than at the time of Columbus.

These and thousands of other examples demonstrate not changes to nature but adaption to it. And with those adaptions, both man and nature have benefited.

There will be earthquakes. Volcanoes will erupt. Twisters will tear across the plains. There will be floods. Lives have been saved and even improved because men have turned their minds to adapting to those certainties, not preventing them.

One day the Yellowstone region of the United States will literally blow up in an eruption from the huge molten cavity below it. In my simple mind, this will have more impact than an inch or two of sea level. Those who are really concerned with the prevention of natural disasters might best turn their attention that direction.

Within the last few days, much of that same region that survived the Big Die-Up was blasted with a last-grasp-of-winter blizzard of huge scale. The additional feet of snow on top of an already large winter snowfall has resulted in massive flooding. For the most part, that country had just begun to catch a breath after a long session of around-the-clock nights of calving and winter hay feeding. There will be crops lost and unplanted. There will be roads and infrastructure to be rebuilt. There will be loans to be met regardless of weather’s sudden turns. Homes will be cleaned up, in some cases rebuilt and some will be lost. And both nature and man will continue.

What the progressive mind does not grasp (or at least does not want others to grasp) is that the nature of both the world and of man is out of their control. Those things natural do not change with the times. They endure. They are like that hand, that force, which created them, eternal.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. The Wings of an Owl and a Searcher

 

Maman-ti (Sky-Walker) had been given the title of Do-ha-te by the Kiowa. He was not a chief but certainly was a planner of battles, a leader of raids. He was not interested in credit or prestige but was content to lead, advise and let others collect the glory. The Kiowa considered him a medicine man and prophet who lived “in the shadows of the past” and whose magic was both great and terrible. His gifts came through the Owl Spirit. He would retreat to his lodge to pray, chant and be visited by the Spirit. After a time, his followers outside would hear the rustle of owl’s wings and Maman-ti would appear from the lodge with a plan or instructions.

In January of 1871, Maman-ti and a war chief named Quitan led a raiding party into Texas. Along the Salt Creek Prairie between Fort Belknap and Fort Richardson the Kiowa came across two groups of teamsters. One was a large set of wagons and the closer group was only three wagons and driven by three black men. The raiders attacked the three wagons with the large party far in the distance. The larger party “forted up” while the smaller group tried to run for their protection. They didn’t make it, despite the brave effort of one of their number.

Behind the dead body of one of his horses, the man fought to give his companions a chance at escape. He had cut the horse loose from the harness and wagon and made his stand with a Henry rifle as the 25 Kiowa warriors sweep down. As brave as the effort was, all three teamsters lost their lives and the warriors moved in to take scalps.

The Kiowa were amused by the kinky hair and tossed the bloody scalps back and forth in a game that they soon grew tired of. They left the scalps on the ground, considering the hair too short to be a suitable trophy. When the Kiowa had plundered the three wagons, gathered the teams of horses and left, the other teamsters came in to inspect the bodies. The cavalry buried them in a common grave.

The two men who failed to make their escape were Dennis Cureton and Paint Crawford. The man who died behind that dead horse trying to protect the others was Britton Johnson. The teamsters and soldiers counted 173 spent rifle and pistol shells around Johnson where he had made his stand. He was a man known to all who tried to make Forks of the Trinity, the Fingers of the Brazos and the Cross-Timbers of North Texas their home during the middle of the 19th century. He was in some part the inspiration for the central character in Alan LeMay’s novel The Searchers.

Brit Johnson was born a slave in Tennessee. The year of his birth is usually given as 1840 although there are a few documents that seem to dispute that. By the mid-19th century, he was in North Texas where his master Moses Johnson had taken root in the Peters colony. Although legally a slave, Britt ran the Johnson ranch as a foreman with complete freedom. He owned his own cattle and horses, ran freight and owned a wagon. He probably had some education because of his duties. Although his situation was not widespread, it was not uncommon in the open frontier of that region of Texas where it was rare for any slaveholder to have more than one slave and independence was a requirement for everyone. At least three counties of the area recorded more free blacks than slaves.

The Civil War left a wild and dangerous region even more unprotected and it did not go unnoticed by the Comanche and Kiowa. The summer and fall of 1864 was an especially busy raiding season for the high plains nomads.

In the fall of ’64, Brit Johnson returned to his home to find his son Jim dead and his wife Mary and two daughters captured. A 14-year-old boy who lived close by was also missing but his body was found a few miles away where he had been killed and discarded.

Johnson began a nine-month search for his wife and children. He rode the reservations of what is now Oklahoma as well as a string of lightly manned Texas forts, made contacts in Indian camps from the Red to the Canadian.

The captives of ’64 had been scattered widely as the Comanche and Kiowa headed for winter camps as they finished their raiding. Many ended up somewhere around the Washita range, others like Elizabeth FitzPatrick were taken as far north as the Arkansas River in northwest Kansas.

The accounts of how Johnson managed the rescue of his family vary. Some have him living with the Comanche north of the Washita and arranging ransom through them. Many accounts claim he was befriended and helped by Comanche medicine man Esahabity in an effort to begin peace talks.

Although I didn’t bother to look it up, I do remember a movie several years ago titled “Black Fox” loosely based on Johnson’s recovery of his family and some others. I don’t remember much about it but wouldn’t recommend it as a history lesson.

After the war, Brit moved his family to Parker County where he became a freighter between Weatherford and the forts to the west. And that is what he was doing that January of 1871 when he met his fate 4 miles east of Salt Creek.

That wasn’t the only raid of importance that Maman-ti inspired in 1871. That May the Do-ha-te was camped on the North Fork of the Red River with about 100 Kiowa and Comanche. Among them were the Kiowa chiefs Satanta and Satank. Old Satank was set on vengeance for the death of his oldest son who had been killed in a raid the year before.

They crossed into Texas, cached blankets and other supplies to lighten their load. They intended a big haul from the Texans to the south. They settled on high ground close to the same Salt Creek Prairie, a favorite spot because there was so much open space and it was a common route for freight wagons serving the forts.

Maman-ti retreated into his lodge to receive inspiration from the Owl Spirit. After a time, those around the lodge heard the owl wings and the Do-ha-te brought out the instructions. There would be two wagon parties coming by. The first one would be the smallest and they should pass by because a much larger one would come later.

About noon a vehicle with an escort of riders came through, the smaller party to be left alone. Early the next morning ten wagons belonging to Henry Warren appeared and were attacked. Some of the teamsters made it to a grove of trees and tried to hold out, others were killed. The raiders collected seven scalps and the loot of ten wagons.

It was a good haul but the long-range outcome was not so good. The first party had been an escort for General William T. Sherman and Inspector General Randolph Marcy, two of the most senior officers in the army. They were on an inspection tour because of the demand for help in preventing and punishing the raids from beyond the Red River. Sherman felt that the demands were over-blown and was set to see for himself. When he arrived at Fort Richardson, he was confronted by a large group of settlers. Sherman had only softened his opinion slightly until two freighters who had escaped from the Warren train stumbled into the fort. Combined with the seven burned and mutilated bodies and a realization that it could have been him instead of the teamsters, Sherman determined to intensify the effort against the hostiles of the south plains.

The effort came too late to save Brit Johnson. But this real-life Ethan Edwards had not just proven his courage in his desperate fight east of Salt Creek. A few years before he had not only shown his skill and courage but also a devotion to his family that should remind us all of why those ties are at the root of any enduring society or community.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. WILL

 

Last Tuesday night, January 8, 2019, will prove to be a watershed moment for our republic. The direction the water takes is yet to be determined., for the most part, part will be up to us, or to be more exact to our clarity and will as a free people.

In less than ten minutes President Trump set the stage for a test of wills which will either continue us on a path of the total rejection of our unique heritage of liberty and its transformation to yet another pale version of centralized tyranny which has characterized the vast bulk of human history, or can begin a long, difficult but determined struggle to reestablish the American Character so central to our original national purpose. Never doubt that the question before us is as fundamental as the type of a people we will be. And never doubt that if this moment is lost, we may well never be able to turn the tide of history to save the very nature of our people.

For well over a century, that has been the exact intent of the so-called progressive left: to change the nature of the American people to one which will accept a false security in place of the independence of personal, individual liberty. Along this decades-long progression, we have been asked to gradually alter basic elements of our founding character be it in regard to family, faith, tradition, property, culture, duty or any one of several other “minor adjustment” to a more modern and supposedly insightful age. Regardless of their title at the time, these elements have really been about such vital issues as constitutionalism, rule of law, individual natural rights, limited government, personal responsibility and all the other things which make up the fundamental culture necessary for a people to independently govern themselves.

This culture is a human one, not a national one. It is born of the very nature of man as gifted to him by his Creator. But it is one requires protection for growth. It requires borders because it stands unique among all the cultures of the world. It has been the world itself that has suppressed those natural rights of man since the beginning. For the good of mankind, it is not the world that has to brought to America. It is Americanism which has to be brought to the world.

All of the points used by President Trump during the short, direct message were clear-eyed, pragmatic and real. There were, of course, a couple more which could have been added to dig even a deeper hole for the sorry pair which waited to give a response. But the message was exact, clear, true and, yes, most “presidential”.

I will disagree only slightly with some of the “pundits” who say that the Dems only now fight border security so hard because of their hate for Trump. The truth is, they were this much against border security all along. They just never had to be so open about it before.

They did not really mind the European radicals who showed up during the early 20th century. In fact, they embraced them. They just could not be so open about it. They have always had a soft spot for communists, socialists and central authority types. Such people wandered through New Deal agencies almost at will, just without banners.

In 1965, the stage was set for the immigration crisis we have been under by the LBJ administration with the help of a young Ted Kennedy. Along the way, there have been any number of “deals” and “measures” to give a false look of concern to the issue. Of course, the current Speaker and Minority Leader spoke out strongly for money and measures that exceeded what Trump is asking for. They knew that to do otherwise would not fly with the American people as a whole. They felt free to appear in favor of these things for basically one reason: they didn’t think they would ever have to live up to them. They knew that because of the lack of political will on the other side.

The left has certainly betrayed our culture, our values and our heritage. But so have those who have sat comfortably at the top of the single political party with a chance of leading in the preservation of those things. While it is true that the Democrat Party never intended to follow its promises to Reagan as a part of the 1986 “immigration deal”, Reagan could not count on real support from much of his own party either. The bulk of the GOP were hardly “Reagan men” and provided plenty of their own resistance to the Gipper. And from 1989 forward, they have turned a willing back to open violations and opened both arms to the Chamber of Commerce crowd.

Yes, the Left hate Donald Trump, and so do most of the upper level GOP types. The media has a special hate that can be not just heard but tasted every evening.

But they don’t hate him or reject him because of his street-smart brashness, braggadocio, tweeting, his crudeness or even his views. If he were a flaming liberal spouting off about all the newest “social justice” causes and still writing big checks to Democrats, he would be a “refreshingly outspoken” character to Hollywood, Democrat politicos and almost all media types. If he simply wrote checks to GOP establishment types, shook their hands at all the right cocktail parties and listened to them as if they were wise and worldly men, he would be allowed his special oddities. He might not really be considered “one of us” but would certainly be allowed the space to be (somewhat) himself and make all the contributions his hotels could support.

No, all of these hate him exactly because he is not “one of them,” sees things through his own glasses and he has the will to actually oppose them. They hate him because they believe he will actually do something. Trump is hardly Reagan philosophically but he has two things in spades that no GOP “leader” since Reagan has shown nearly enough of: conviction and will.

One does not have to be a great scholar to see that our immigration policy of the last several decades as a disaster for any nation hoping to preserve a lasting culture and national identity. It would help but is hardly a requirement. A functioning brain and some common horse sense will more than fill the bill. One does not need to pour through piles of data to know without a doubt that millions of American citizens suffer because of the path we have taken.

I do, for the most part, believe an observation about President Trump made this week by Vice President Mike Pence. Without quoting directly, I will paraphrase the Vice President as saying Trump simply does not see situations from political standpoints. I believe that mostly the president sees matters in pragmatic terms and hardly political at all. The issues for him are; does it works, how does it work, what would be better. It is much more the world we all have to live in. His convictions are not based on politics but a pragmatic realism that often the politico avoids at all costs. His convictions are not based on what position he will hold ten years from now or even if he will be liked ten years from now: he left a much better job to take this one.

But what the left, the establishment types and media hate about this president most of all is that behind that conviction (whatever it is) stands a will that shows them little, if any, respect. It is the type of will accompanied by action. For almost nine decades, the left has maintained a step by step march of their agenda that was only interrupted during the Reagan terms of office. In all other times, they knew they could advance, often with the help of an ingrained establishment of the GOP, the ball if only a few yards at a time without any retreat. The Republican approach to a hostile and biased media was either quiet toleration or to kiss up by vainly trying to “meet in the middle”. But it was always so-called progressivism that advanced. It was Americanism that lost ground.

The only Republican leader who actually challenged and “handled” the media was Reagan. So does this president, certainly in a different way, a different style. But he answers and he acts. If I agree with it or am even comfortable with it is not the issue. The issue is that we are at a national crisis point that can change us forever and the fight is a desperate one. This president fights, not just with a wet finger in the media winds but with a will to win, with substance.

I will now make an observation that I would not have dreamed of at this same date in 2016. But for any fair-minded conservative thinker, it should be easily seen. Since the turn of the 20th century, there have been three (and only three) constitutionally consistence administrations. The Trump administration is easily one of those three. And whoever you would put in the number four slot is not even close.

For those who have spent decades pondering about conservative values and the vision of the Founders/Framers, a real moment of truth has arrived. If those values and that vision are more important than style, personalities or even the perceived character of any single individual, then there is no choice but to show to all an iron will about securing our national border. Doing less will be a betrayal of those values and that vision no matter how one tries to rationalize it.

The will of the GOP establishment cannot be counted on. There are already plenty of moves to “cut a deal”. The will has to come from a determined president and a solid, vocal base believing more in liberty than false promises of collectivism.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. An Old Shirt, a Tattered Box, a Duty

 

I recently became the heir to an old tattered cardboard box sent to me by my uncle’s widow by way of my daughter who had stopped off to see her as she passed through the mountain states on a summer trip. The lady expressed how I “should be the one to have this” and I now have its contents tucked away in different “safe places.” The box contented what was left of “his war stuff.”

There were items that brought memories of when I would take some of them from the dresser drawers at my grandmother’s. One was the seemingly strange piece of German technology which made the weird sound as you pressed repeatedly on its small, geared lever. It fit in the palm of the hand and generated a light when the lever was pumped but it also produced that sound which my uncle recalled as having an almost haunting effect on a dark French night as the Nazis wandered just behind their lines.

There were other things that ranged from old patches to paperwork. But the core of that box’s contents were the medals and what his widow had called “his old army shirt.” The medals were, for the most part, still intact in their cases. The Good Conduct Metal had been thrown in with the Bronze Star Medal and the oak leaf cluster that accompanied it.

But the “shirt” was almost in the exact condition as it appeared in the photo taken when its owner had ended his WWII service. I was able to lay the photo and the shirt side by side as I begin again to identify what story each small presentation on that now slightly faded khaki cloth told. One of the bars of “ribbons” had come loose at some point in time and could be found in the case with the Silver Star.

The left sleeve told that the shirt’s owner had belonged to the 101st Airborne and his rank was sergeant. The top of the left front pocket displayed the combat badge with the image of the Minuteman musket. Just above it, the two rows of ribbons gave testimony to more specifics of that combat. The top row of ribbons represented the Purple Heart, the Bronze Star, and the Silver Star. Ribbons on the bottom row represented the Good Conduct Medal, the American Defense Service Medal and the European-African-Middle Eastern Campaign Medal given for victory in those theaters of war. This last ribbon had five battle stars on it as well as another tiny, pointed bronze image that meant he had taken part in a seaborne or airborne invasion.

Just above the ribbons was the badge known as the “jump wings.” It sat on top of a tri-colored oval patch which told that he was a part of the 506th. The wings were silver which indicated that he had finished training and made one combat jump. The gold star at the top of the parachute on the wings was there to recognize five combat jumps. The addition bronze star below it was evidence of a sixth.

The triangle shaped patch over the right front pocket signified an honorable discharge. Below it, the small blue badge with the gold frame was unfamiliar to me. It took some searching before I realized what it was. It represents a Presidential Unit Citation. It is awarded to small combat units which show “extraordinary heroism in action against an armed enemy” displaying a gallantry “under extremely difficult and hazardous conditions so to set them apart and above other units in the same campaign.” The unit citation is considered the equal of the Distinguished Service Cross if awarded individually. In the entire European-African theater there were 107 unit citations issued. The addition oak leaf clusters on the badge say that its owner took part in three of them.

The contents of that tattered old box and the stories told by the front of that shirt were but a sliver of a man’s life. It was only months from the time that he climbed aboard a transport plane in England to be a part of the 101st ‘s first combat jump to the final end of Nazi Germany. But in several ways, it defined who he was for the next fifty odd years. Perhaps without that box and shirt he would just be the man who had taught me to string and shoot a recurve bow, bulge for elk, tie a diamond hitch, easily tell the difference between the track of a grizzle and black bear, made sure I had an old but solid bronc saddle, introduced me to a variety of characters who were the very symbol of individualism and showed me a few other worldly corners that we both made sure his baby sister didn’t hear about (but I think she suspected anyway, she knew us both fairly well). But, I believe, he was always a man born of the experiences behind those stories and demonstrated it in most he did.

The stories that were packed away in that tattered box are not just mine. They belong to all of us. And I suspect that each of us have similar stories packed somewhere of those past who answered a necessary call. There may well be several generations of such stories stretching from protection of colonial settlements to desperate urban streets in strange places. I am sure there are countless seemingly small and unidentifiable items which tell their stories of debts owed to our past heroes. This is a time when we are asked to stop for a moment and remember the need for such people to answer those calls that will always be necessary – and what we owe them, both past and present.

Today we are blessed with a few special individuals who serve in an all-volunteer military who are deployed multiple times to hellholes throughout the globe so that we continue practicing a liberty that no other nation in human history has seen. At home, we have individuals wearing a different, blue uniform. They accept abuse from many corners but still unflinchingly step between our children and a shooter’s bullet, rush into places of worship to do the same for those of all faiths and daily watch for those who would interrupt our lives with their violence.

One hundred years ago in the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month, a brief halt was declared in man’s destruction. Those “wise men” of the day tried to declare an end to all wars, but of course, it was not. This world will be beset with struggles of all sizes as long as humans run it. It fact, the arrogance of those who met at that time only helped to set the stage for the next, even more horrible war.

Their legacy was not a “war to end all wars” but an example that we must always stand ready to meet the world’s evil, that this readiness is always necessary. Liberty is hard won and easily lost.

All of the wounds, deaths, victories, struggles, and accomplishments packed into all those tattered old boxes represent calls answered that allow us to hold a fragile liberty in our hands, a liberty won over centuries and centuries. It allows us to live a life undreamed of in past centuries but also the ability to let it slip carelessly through our fingers. To understand this and then to live that life of liberty fully is our responsibility, our calling. Because we have the liberty won for us, we can refuse the call, the responsibility. It is our choice.

Liberty is not security. In fact, it might actually increase the insecurity woven into some parts of life because its practice brings risk, choices and individual responsibility. But it also brings an expansion of human potential that exceeds our best expectations. It is that potential that has to be passed to our next generations. That is what is owed to those who have answered the call and defended that liberty, past and present, here and abroad.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. That Peach Colored Horse

 

Some say that we human animals tend to favor critters from other species which reflect ourselves. I have found that to be only partly true. There are far too many humans who seek those weaker than themselves regardless of their species. It gives them a comfort of sorts and even a chance for dominance. But a real working relationship exists best when trust and respect (even a grudging one) is built between two independent and strong individuals. Dominance in these cases is only defined by directions shared.

The only thing of substance I have left to remind me of that stubborn, strong-willed, competitive horse of an odd but distinctive color is an old and faded photo taken after he had reached maturity. Which is odd. There seems to be an abundance of photos from those days taken of colts foaled by mares, horses ridden and plenty of his mother at one stage or another. And in many ways, he was the best one of them all, strong from the ground up and built to travel.

He came by his independence honestly. As much importance is normally placed on the stallion in a colt’s pedigree, most who know will tell you that the mare is more than half responsible for the youngster’s personality. And this colt had a mother with a will, more than a little bit of attitude and a twist or two all her own.

I was in junior high when I bought the mare as a two-year-old. At the time, appaloosas had become a hot item and Dad was actually riding a couple of them for different people. This filly was owned by an elderly farmer of German decent only a few miles down the road from a horse breeder, part-time trader in cattle and bucking stock as well as a former bull rider who would let me sneak around to mount his stock without my mother knowing too much about it. The man owned a big, over 16 hands, App stud out of Canada whose mother had once been the faster thoroughbred north of the Medicine Line, at least according to the owner.

The Canadian stud had sired the young mare who was out of a grade mare the old farmer owned. The two-year-old lacked her sire’s height but was well made and had a nice “blanket” over her hips, was easy to register. She had also spent most of her life as a pet and was maybe the most spoiled rotten colt I had seen to that point.

Since I had bought her with my own money, I was allowed to take care of most of the breaking. And it did become a test of wills at times. She had to be learned. She was cold backed and always would need to be saddled and tied for a while even as a finished horse before you could expect to do much with her. She never did take a bridle well if it was put on her normally. It was best to unbuckle it and slip it behind her ears and re-buckle it. Her son carried on both of those traits.

The bay mare with the blanketed hips had a light touch despite her independent attitude and when she was a finished horse she was ridden mostly with a small, thin bosal and no bit. And without a lot of specific work, she did pick up a few reining and cutting points in App shows.

When it came time to breed her, it was decided to cross her with what had at one time been, according to his owner, “the fastest Appaloosa alive” before going through a rail on a Colorado track. His breeding could be traced back to Man of War on his dam’s side and he had a distinctive color that could best be described as dark peach with a pure white “blanket” and big spots. The owner was what Dad would call a typical “running horse” man in that he had “that one story” where he was within an inch of the big strike but it slipped away through a turn of fate. I have since found that the same can be said of many cutting horsemen, reining horsemen, cotton farmers, football coaches, stockbrokers, car salesmen, etc.

That morning when we first saw the colt already up and walking around his dam, he might well be the best looking new-born colt I have seen. Later that day when my grandfather walked around two sides of the grass trap and gave a single nod of the head with a trace of a grin on his face, I was sure of it.

The only problem was that despite inheriting his sire’s peach color (perhaps a shade lighter), he failed to get spots. In those early days of the Appaloosa Horse Club that meant one could only get “pink papers” on him. He would have to “spot out” before getting regular registration papers which would allow him to be shown. He would live his life as a “grade horse.”

The spring when he was two, I began breaking him. First, he was driven under saddle with a pair of long cotton rope reins until he was responding well enough to the touch of the heavy 5/8 bosal. I don’t recall the exact timeline at this stage of life but that phase was normally 10 days to two weeks before we actually mounted one. I do recall that he was as strong as anything I have ever felt on the end of the reins. But he did respond well.

He also had to be learned, much like his mother. His back wasn’t as “cold,” not quite. But he did have a thing about his ears. And he could almost feel your spur heel before it ever touched him for a queue. When the calf of the leg turned at all, he was responding. He couldn’t be ridden sloppy.

If I ever had any doubts about his strength, they disappeared the first time I rode him outside of the pen. North of our house was a stretch of road that gradually led downhill to a creek bottom where a 50-acre hay field that belonged to a friend often served is a great staging ground for young horses. A few steps beyond was also the wooden bridge that crossed the creek and put one on a steep climb of just more than half a mile to the top of the ridge. This was my regular route to run in the summers between various seasons of football, track, and baseball so I had measured the distance of each segment.

Instead of turning the colt into the hay field, I kept going toward the old wooden bridge. There the colt leaned forward to study the structure, smelled of it a couple of times before he allowed me to squeeze him on to it. After a few nervous steps across the boards, he leaped to the other side and I saw this as a chance to “lope him out” by taking him to the top so I squeezed a little as he hit the ground and we dug hard in a driving lope to the top of the half mile climb. When I pulled him up at the ridge’s crest, I expected to have ridden some edge off him but instead only heard a single heavy breath and his recovery was over.

He would always take a lot of riding to warm him up and I am not sure I was able to really wear him down even with a full day of working cattle, including dragging some calves. And he was competitive.

After a spring and summer of working with him, football season set in and I didn’t get on him for probably two months. Dad had gotten on him a few times but had plenty of his own things to do. So he was fairly “fresh” by the time I saddled him again.

I had saddled and tied him, and longed him some at the end long cotton lead, but probably not enough. I was also talking to someone on the other side of the fence as I climbed on, not nearly carefully enough – something that can be chalked up as a typical sophomore mistake. As I hit the saddle, he “broke up”, dropped his head before I really had control of it and went right to bucking straight for the far end of the rectangle pen behind our house. By the time we got to that far end, I knew that I had weathered some really strong bucks (although in a straight line) and might have even believed I was on the verge of being an actual bronc rider. But at that far end, he made a slight faint to the right and was gone to the left quicker than a blink to leave me sitting on air. He was not only stronger and in better shape than I was. He was a better athlete.

He was always a dependable horse, as long as you paid attention. But he had learned something that day and seemed to always be aware of just how aware you were! If you became sloppy or proved to be not paying attention, you were in danger of being afoot quicker than a hiccup. He would never run off, just snap a couple real hard and turn or perhaps turn hard while snapping off the first one and then stand there as if to say, “Got ya again.” I still believe it was just a competitive game to him…….and I was a lot younger then.

But there was also the young pride of being able to show up to work cattle and knowing that I had the fastest, toughest, hardest-working horse there, even if I had stay on the awares. It probably made me a little better than I would have been.

When I finally gave into the “real world” of full time coaching jobs, bills and a move every couple of years, I sold the horse to a good cowboy who not only could “give him a job” but also appreciated who and what he was. The likes of him were made for doing and not sitting around waiting for the next pleasure ride.

There are some who might consider it a tragic ending when just a few years later he was victim to a lightning strike on a knoll overlooking the north side of the Concho River. But he was well past “smooth mouth” although not quite yet slowing down. He was still an independent, almost defiant being who had not quite lost “who he was” (and had always been) to age and worn joints. And he would never have to.

To give the truest impression of the animal, I would have to go back to something when he was just shy of being a yearling. He was dropped off in a pasture with three others of his same age; another “horse” colt, a black foundation bred stud colt, and two filly colts. Among my duties that spring was the task of driving by the pasture and feeding them by scattering some oats both in some old pans and on the ground. After just the first day, the black colt was starting to look really bad and for no apparent reason. He was losing weight and acted dull, for lack of a better description. After another day of the same, I dropped the oats off and drove off as usual except this time when I had gotten behind the dam of the downhill stock tank, I parked the old truck and crawled up the dam to watch the young horses.

That corner of the pasture has a small recess in the fence about 10 feet by 12 feet caused by an old lane that once led to a barn since gone. What was happening was that as soon as I was out of sight, Peach would get after the other stud colt, work him much like a cutting horse would work a cow and put the black in that small notch in the fence and make him stay. I watched them for some time and Peach would drift away to graze but throw an occasional glance the black’s way to make sure he was still in his place. At times the black would start to inch out of his confinement, but the other horse would raise his head and look him back to his assigned spot. The black had simply not been allowed to eat or maybe even drink since his lighter colored counterpart had arrived.

That peach colored horse came up a few days ago as two of us had finished another long day guiding elk hunters. It was late and we were looking at an early start the next morning. As we discussed the plans for the next day, and with some help from plain old weariness and our brother John Jameson, the subject drifted from which ridges to call from to horses we had ridden. Although the night actually netted only a couple of hours sleep for me, a first-time elk hunter was able to score a fairly nice bull by mid-morning and I was set to search for an old, faded picture when I made my way back to my home station.

Each can draw their own conclusions about the horse’s ability and instincts as well as his personality. They might even draw some about my own. As with most things, I am always a word or two short of drawing as true a picture as I would hope. But there will always be a place all its own for that bull-headed, rawhide tough, joyfully competitive, distinctively colored horse in that special corner of my memories.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. Another Shooting Star, Another Fraud

 

Robert Francis O’Rourke is the latest “rising star” for the Democrat Party in Texas. He is their hope of the moment to start Texas on the path of descent into becoming the next California, a once golden state destroyed by liberal policies but consistent in sending elected Democrats to seats of power. His stated mission is to unseat Ted Cruz in the United States Senate.

Robert Francis has had plenty of national exposure, thanks to the liberal media network eager to strike a blow at the heart of Americanism. He has been given airtime on late-night national shows by Colbert, in the daylight by Ellen and a solid hour on that beacon of fake news, CNN. MSNBC even promoted him from “rising star” to “rock star.” Chuck Todd on the next worst thing (NBC itself) declared him the “Bobby Kennedy of millennials.”

There is also plenty to point to in exposing him as the fraud he is. Perhaps the easiest is the one he makes over and over again (besides skateboarding onto the stage during rallies, his next best skill is talking in endless circles), the claim that he is completely funded by “grassroots” donations from Texas. He is simply too principled to accept money from PACs.

Of course, the government’s own records show that of the 94,000 recorded state-side contributors 8000 of them are from Texas. Unsurprisingly for a liberal heart-throb, 27,000 are from California. 13,000 are from New York. 34,000 more are from 7 other northeastern states, plus D.C. Oregon and Washington state combined for 10,000 to also outdistance Texas. It also seems that there was almost no coverage when his campaign was found to have violated the limits on foreign contributions.

Much has been made of his war chest of $38 million, not counting the dollar value of all the free national television time. But most of the $23 million which is touted as being “from Texans” actually comes to the O’Rourke campaign by way of ActBlue, a digital “Express Lane” for progressive contributions according to its website. Most of its “flexible fundraising accounts” are from out of state. So far, Robert Francis has declined to share any of his fundraising wealth with his fellow progressive office-seekers. This seems to indicate to some that he plans to finish the election season with a large war chest on hand for some later purpose.

Robert Francis has demonstrated an inability to handle even the small truths. In the first debate with Ted Cruz, he tried to frame his discussion of immigration policy by sharing a story about his campaign trip through the small Panhandle town of Booker. It seems that he was quite surprised to learn in his house-to-house tour of the town in a bright red part of the state that what concerned the citizens most was the fate of the “dreamers”. To add just the right touch of human concern to the issue, he related how the most recent Salutatorian from the local high school had been deported.

The only problem with the Booker story is that the Superintendent of Booker ISD can’t find any student even in the top ten of a class being deported as far back as 2010. Booker is over 70% and the high school has an “A” grade from the new Texas Educational Agency rating system.

So, besides an endless and directionless spill about “everybody getting along” and “joining together” laced with a constant flailing of hands and arms and an occasional skateboard demonstration, the core of Robert Francis’ vision for a New Texas is open borders, free health care for everyone, federal decriminalization of marijuana (Yes, Willie Nelson is on board!) and the impeachment of Donald Trump. Nothing like fresh, new ideas to get out the midterm vote!

But Robert Francis at times is even hard to nail down on these fundamental issues. Recently in a CNN Townhall held in the Rio Grande Valley, he was asked a direct question by a college student about how he would vote on a Trump impeachment. He went into the usual circle of “Gee, we can all come together” talking points and finished after almost two minutes. The moderator reminded him he had not addressed the question. He began again for another two minutes and something of verbal twisting and waffling. For a third time he was called to answer and finally at exactly 5 minutes and 37 seconds after the original question, he actually answered. Not surprisingly, he would vote for the conviction of Trump on impeachment charges. But not for any specific “high crime or misdemeanor” he could name. I suppose there is still something called voting on principle.

Recently when college students caught up in the fever of media subsidized celebrity were asked to name a single O’Rourke accomplishment, they were stumped. That is understandable. He has none.

He did, however, manage to rate four “Pinocchios” from a fact check by the Washington Post, something almost unheard of for a liberal. It had to do with O’Rourke’s attempt to leave the scene of a drunken accident. He still denies trying to leave although other motorists drove after him honking their horns and cut him off as he tried to flee. After his “escape” failed, he had to rely on his family’s long-standing, generations-long involvement in El Paso County politics to keep him out of deep trouble.

If you are following this, Robert Francis (who was simply known as “Rob” at this stage of life – no senatorial campaigns in sight) had caused a drunken accident while drinking, decided to leave the scene and then relied on family connections to get by with a slight slap on the wrist. See, the media can occasionally be dead right. At times, Robert Francis can be most “Kennedyesque”(my spell check keeps saying I am spelling this wrong – but I copied the word from the New York Times, which I assume would not make such a mistake???).

I will admit that one of the factors in the media hype for O’Rourke is that they have a hatred for Ted Cruz that approaches Donald Trump levels. They would love to see the oh-so-cool Robert Francis defeat what they see as the tight, tense Ted with his constant references to such quint but dated concepts as personal liberty, constitutional republicanism, and First Principles. I think they are afraid he might actually believe some of it. Besides, he is an actual Hispanic with (of all things) an Americanized nickname.

But the main factor is still the liberal need to turn Texas and Florida purple if not outright blue. They are dangerously close with Florida which has sat on a razor’s edge for several elections now without being completely pushed off. But if Texas with its second-highest total of electoral votes were to join California and New York in the socialist camp, Democrat presidencies from now on could be almost assured.

And the pattern is in place, with a migration underway from the once Golden State where the business atmosphere drives those needing profits eastward. The problem is not that such pilgrims bring their investment and new jobs to Texas but they also bring their politics, regardless of how badly it has failed them from where they came. Liberals rarely realize they are voting for self-destruction, no matter how often it proves true.

Robert Francis may well come closer to realizing the leftist goal of an upset than that “fresh, new face” from a few months ago, Wendy Davis. She rode the media darling train for a short time having chosen the abortion issue and a pair of pink running shoes as her gimmick. After losing the governor’s race by 20 points, she has not even been able to land a talking gig on CNN or MSNBC. Robert Francis has piled up too much over-hyped media time to fade so quickly, maybe.

But the day after the election, a new “rising star” for Texas will begin receiving his due to compete for top billing regardless. Julian Castro even has the distinction of having served in the administration of the Great O as well as having delivered a major address at the Democrat Convention. He can sound Hispanic without the benefit of a nickname dug up from his junior high years. He can even pass a minority DNA test. And when the first couple of oh-so-polite layers are peeled back, he is almost pure socialist. I am sure he will be the next who is “energizing” the left not just south of the Red River but nationwide, at least ’til the next “rising star” appears.

The left will never give up the long-term goal of a blue Texas. That is why this election, and the one after it, and the one after it is important to everyone. The rot from top to bottom caused by almost complete Democrat control of a state can be seen from the blue Pacific past the shores of the Great Lakes all the way to the Atlantic coast. Those places were once havens for plentiful jobs and a growing economy. Now they punish capitalism, enterprise, and individual liberty while draining the working class and subsidizing a permanent underclass to vote for the ever creeping rot. California has the highest poverty rate in the nation, Chicago an ongoing slaughterhouse for gangs and east coast social welfare havens like New York and Connecticut are fiscal disasters.

Yes, this is an important election in the Lone Star State. But it is in all the others as well. The advance of a socialist centered vision of government carries not just the death of constitutional republicanism but also the individual’s liberty, his ability to create and pursue his own dreams and growth.

Those “rising stars” that the left keeps shoving in front of us, if locally or nationally, are nothing more than shooting stars. They flash with the quick bright light of a media fad and then disappear leaving a darkness behind, a darkness of individual liberty.

Recommended by Ricochet Members Created with Sketch. The Old Man with the Cane

 

The swirl of media around the meeting of Kanye West and President Trump spent most of its energy on personality images of the those two men and not the real issues represented concerning minorities and their actual benefit in a growing economy operating more and more on our intended liberty and less and less on the centralized power of the state. That was to be expected from a media committed to the defense of an expanding “progressive” state.

Those issues involving all American citizens, not just those considered minorities, should be the final focus of that meeting. But it was impossible for me not to look more toward the third man in the meeting. To some, he has always been a hard one to assign to any single box. In many ways, his presence there was what added the most credibility to the meeting.

I will readily admit to being a popular culture hermit despite the efforts of a 14-year-old granddaughter. I have hardly taken notice of Mr. West (or his extended family). But that man sitting to his left with the still broad shoulders, the balding and now shaved head, the graying beard, the walking cane and the still quiet, commanding presence; I have seemingly watched my whole life.

Before I had entered what was then simply known as “junior high” and played in a football game, Dad took me to two NFL games a year to watch the newly-minted Dallas Cowboys play in the real Cotton Bowl. I was allowed to pick one of those games. The other was set in stone. We would watch the Dallas home game against the Cleveland Browns. We would watch Jim Brown run the football. Even as unperceptive as I was at that stage (and some would say still am), I could tell Dad considered it something different from the rest, special. We never missed a chance to see Toots Mansfield rope or Jim Brown run.

In those ancient times, the general admission seats were under $10 and most of the programs that I have saved in the old file cabinet were sold for $1 or less. I saw an aging Bobby Layne set what was then a new but short-lived NFL record for career pass completions. I watched John David Crow run the ball taking the handoff from a youthful Charley Johnson who threw to Sonny Randal and Bobby Joe Conrad. I saw Sonny Jurgensen not just destroy Dallas with an ultra-quick release but play around behind the bench snapping behind the back passes more accurate than most could throw regularly. I watched Y.A. Tittle during his last season, Fran Tarkington scramble and deliver, and the duo of Hornung and Taylor line up behind Starr in their last season together. And for six straight years, I saw Jim Brown run the football live.

In later years when a good deal of my so-called professional life involved both instructing and evaluating those who ran the football, my youthful impression of Jim Brown the football player became even deeper and set in stone. He was the greatest ball carrier ever, period. If one doubts that, it can be discussed another time. The raw numbers are too many and too obvious to commit the space to. And there are a few boxes of taped game film I can dust off that were used for instruction at one time which speak for themselves. To convince of his place among running backs is not the reason to bring him up. And my opinion will not change.

Brown has hardly lived a saints’ life but he has probably lived an honest one. He has certainly had a couple of legal scrapes, mostly from disputes with the women in his life. As far as I am aware of, all have resulted in either acquittal or dismissal except for an incident between him and an officer.

What I am aware of about the post-football Brown is that he has been a quiet (but not silent), strong, and consistent “activist.” I believe in many ways the face he shows the public tends to compare with his philosophy on the field. He would slowly get up after each carry and make take his own time to the huddle. Some didn’t appreciate his easy manner after each play. His reasoning was that when you carry the ball 20 times a game, there will be times you are hurt and punished. He wanted to look the same each time and never let the team know they had affected him. He treated them as if they were not a controlling factor to him. He didn’t have to show others he was hurt.

But in the same vein, he never turned down a physical challenge. He would always meet it head-on. He drew some attention in the 1970s by remarking on the running style of the Steelers’ Franco Harris. He felt Harris was “soft” when he stepped out of bounds on plays when it seemed no more yardage could be gained. Brown’s theory was always that he was the dominant player and would never concede that to the defense. He would not turn down a challenge. Of course, it helps if you are the finest athlete the country ever produced. But he recognized the quality it others when it appeared. The first time he saw Walter Peyton run, he said that he was someone worthy to break his rushing record – and he did.

Most know that Brown put together a movie career that netted him both top billing and plenty of money. But the real success for this man with the skill of Greek gods and feet of clay has been directly working with the youth of gang-infested areas of Los Angeles and Cleveland. It has been a decades-long work.

He has literally put both his time and money where his mouth is. His instructional program is called Amer-I-Can and is designed to create young men who will take charge of their own lives. It teaches fiscal skills and encourages financial independence. Its objective is independent, self-sufficient individuals who will stand up for whatever they believe but still work to be a part of the community as a whole. In other words, it strives to create worthy, responsible and productive citizens. I have reviewed it and find it very Frederick Douglass-like, which I consider a high compliment.

I hardly agree with everything Brown has ever said or stood behind. But I do see him as a strong man who speaks with a strong, direct voice without a lot of chest-beating. He just drives his point home with a smooth but powerful move much like when he scored his touchdowns and then simply dropped the ball to the ground, letting the run speak for itself.

Recently, he publicly made it clear that he would always stand for the flag and not kneel. Others could do as they wished but he considered it his flag. This was hardly playing to the moment. I can recall years ago when as he recalled the greatness and courage of Jackie Robinson in breaking baseball’s color barrier, he made a point of also saying that it would not have been possible without the greatness of Branch Rickey. In fact, he speculated that perhaps Rickey displayed the greater courage. It was up to Robinson to grasp individually the opportunities before him. I believe Brown was saying we are a human nation – but a very good one. Men will always have fights and challenges no matter their surroundings – but we are a good nation which allows those fights and challenges to be played out as they should. I don’t believe Brown fears either fights or challenges.

The visit to the White House was about a president doing what he said he would and creating real opportunities, not gifts. Such black “intellectuals” as Don Lemon and Michael Eric Dyson might refer it as a “minstrel” show but I don’t believe that the old man with the cane ever danced to anyone’s tune except his own.

Ole Summers

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