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Abortion
Questions for Kamala
If any journalist ever gets the opportunity to ask questions of our current Vice President and Democratic Presidential Candidate Kamala Harris, I offer the following suggestions:
- Since you and your party strongly favor easy access to abortion as a fundamental healthcare right, have you ever had an abortion?
- If so, would you say that you credit your professional success to your ability to have an abortion?
- If you were so fortunate not to find yourself in need of an abortion as an unmarried career woman—until you married at age 49—would you please share your secret to avoiding an unwanted pregnancy with American voters, particularly younger women (or “people with child-bearing capacity,” if we want to be inclusive)?
- If you are offended by these questions, why should a prominent female politician be uncomfortable when asked how a significant policy preference (easy abortion access) has influenced her own life?
- Is it because the actual act of abortion is inherently gruesome and disreputable when it’s personalized, and not merely an abstract idea euphemistically described as “reproductive rights”?
Given the popularity of free abortions and vasectomies at the Democratic National Convention, these questions should be right at the top of voters’ and journalists’ minds. Or maybe it’s just me. Either way, some people are wondering whether abortion has been an integral part of Kamala Harris’ story of political success.
Jon Gabriel, the Undisputed King of Stuff and columnist for Discourse magazine and the Arizona Republic is in for Jim. Today, Jon and Greg remember daytime talk show host Phil Donahue, get a kick out of Democrats inching away from Kamala’s price control plans, condemn Planned Parenthood for offering free abortions and vasectomies near the Democratic National Convention, and react to Democrats not wanting any policy specifics from Kamala Harris until after the election. And they share what they wish Joe Biden would say in his convention speech tonight.
First, they offer a quick remembrance of Phil Donahue, the far left daytime talk show host who nonetheless wanted to have substantive conversations with people he disagreed with.
In the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (2022), pro-choice advocates have argued that restrictions on abortion violate freedom of religion in some circumstances. A recent decision by the Indiana Court of Appeals, academic articles, and media stories have taken up these religious free-exercise challenges to abortion laws. This panel will explore the constitutional and statutory grounds for these claims in different faith traditions. pro-life responses to them, and the implications of these claims for religious liberty and for the post-Dobbs legal status of abortion.
Featuring:
Erin M. Hawley, Senior Counsel, Vice President of Center for Life & Regulatory Practice, Alliance Defending Freedom
Prof. Michael A. Helfand, Brenden Mann Foundation Chair and Co-Director of the Nootbaar Institute for Law, Pepperdine Caruso School of Law
Prof. Jessie Hill, Associate Dean and Professor of Law, Case Western Reserve University School of Law
Prof. Sherif Girgis, Associate Professor of Law, University of Notre Dame Law School
(Moderator) Prof. Michael Moreland, Professor of Law and Religion and Director of the Eleanor H. McCullen Center for Law, Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law
For years, Jeff and Tricia Bradford kept their abortion a secret from their friends and church community.
“We hid our story, because of the deep shame and regret that we had,” Jeff Bradford says.
Is Congress that subservient?
I saw part of a speech by Kamala Harris, talking about abortion. According to the VP, if Donald Trump is elected, Congress will pass a bill outlawing abortion coast-to-coast, which Trump will sign. But if Harris is elected, Congress will pass a law mandating abortion access in all 50 states, which she will sign. Does she really think that Congress passes whatever legislation the president wants?
I can see a Congress pushing or not pushing a piece of legislation, depending on who the president is. For instance, let us say that the majority of Congress wants to shut down all oil drilling in Alaska. If Trump is the president, they would be wasting their time, as he would surely veto it. If Biden or Harris is president, a presidential signature is likely, so the members would try to pass it if they had the votes to get it past a Senate filibuster. But the same Congress that would vote for a nationwide abortion ban if they thought they would get the president’s signature, would not pass a bill that does the opposite, just because the president would sign that one. Everyone on this website already knows this, but any voters who were hoping they would hear less ridiculous BS from Harris than they have heard from Biden or Trump is in for disappointment.
More Lousy Arguments for Abortion
Alliance Defending Freedom Senior Counsel Erin Hawley discusses the two-year anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning Roe v. Wade. The court’s landmark ruling, Dobbs vs. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, was a major pro-life victory. Hawley tells The Daily Signal about other court cases to watch and attacks on pro-life pregnancy centers and the unborn.
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If the number of marriages increased in America, the number of abortions would likely decrease, statistics show.
The Pew Research Center reported that in 2021, 87% of women who had abortions were unmarried, meaning that “marriage can make a huge difference if 87% of abortion-determined women are not married,” says pro-life advocate Ben Watson, a former NFL star.
Inez Stepman of the Independent Women’s Forum and host of the “High Noon” podcast is in for Jim. Today, Inez and Greg welcome a federal judge strongly rejecting the Biden administration’s rewrite of Title IX, wonder if Republicans will be able to punch back effectively on abortion anytime soon, and laugh as the left says election results they don’t like are a threat to democracy.
First, they applaud the federal court ruling that the Biden administration’s efforts to redefine “sex” in Title IX to enshrine the left’s gender identity agenda and evisceration of due process rights clearly guts the intent of Title IX and also violates the constitutional requirement for such changes to come through Congress.
Since Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, state courts and legislatures have grappled with its legal and policy implications, especially as they pertain to abortion and IVF. In LePage v. Center for Reproductive Medicine, for example, the Alabama Supreme Court held that frozen embryos should be regarded as “children” for the purposes of Alabama’s Wrongful Death of a Minor Act. And in Planned Parenthood v. Mayes, the Arizona Supreme Court upheld an 1864 law that bans all abortions in the state except those deemed necessary to save the life of the mother.
These recent rulings have been highly criticized by commentators on both sides of the aisle, and they raise important questions about the legal status of IVF and abortion in the wake of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. For example, in both cases, the courts interpreted the law in accordance with textualist principles, and the state legislatures swiftly enacted measures to address the state supreme court decisions afterward. Are these cases therefore examples of the proper allocation of powers, where the judiciary says what the law is, and the legislature is tasked with implementing policy? With the question of abortion being returned to the legislative process post-Dobbs, do these cases invite more thoughtful dialogue about abortion and IVF policy, or do they sow further acrimony? Were these cases rightly decided? Can we articulate a legal standard vis-à-vis abortion and IVF that is both thoughtful and conceptually consistent? In what ways do abortion and IVF interact, both philosophically and legally? Please join us as we discuss these issues and others with some of the leading scholars in this space.
Featuring:
Prof. I. Glenn Cohen, James A. Attwood and Leslie Williams Professor of Law & Deputy Dean; Faculty Director, Petrie-Flom Center for Health Law Policy, Biotechnology & Bioethics; Harvard University Law School
Prof. O. Carter Snead, Director, de Nicola Center for Ethics and Culture and Professor of Law, University of Notre Dame Law School
(Moderator) Jennie Bradley Lichter, Deputy General Counsel, The Catholic University of America
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What is going on with Republicans and abortion?
Republicans are like the dog that caught the car when it comes to abortion. Kari Lake backtracks on her support of the 150 year old Arizona abortion law, which embodies the goals of much of the pro-life movement. Trump tries to avoid the issue by saying that it has been returned to the states, thereby avoiding a commitment to a federal ban. In fact, as I understand it, the Dobbs decision merely said that there is no right to abortion and that nothing prohibits states from restricting it. That alone doesn’t preclude a federal ban.
Even if you think the Arizona law goes too far, there just doesn’t seem to be any inspired leadership here. How hard would it be for Trump or some other Republican leader to call on Biden or Harris to compromise on the issue? “Republicans believe in exceptions to their position. Will you agree to exceptions to yours? Will you agree to reduce your 39-week protection for abortion rights to 24, unless it is necessary to save the mother’s life?” I’d love to see them choke on that one. Put them on the spot for once. They will never agree to any exceptions to their commitment to abortion on demand for any reason until the moment of birth. This should make it very easy for any Republican politician to paint them as extremists. And yet, it just doesn’t happen.