Your friend Jim George thinks you'd be a great addition to Ricochet, so we'd like to offer you a special deal: You can become a member for no initial charge for one month!
Ricochet is a community of like-minded people who enjoy writing about and discussing politics (usually of the center-right nature), culture, sports, history, and just about every other topic under the sun in a fully moderated environment. We’re so sure you’ll like Ricochet, we’ll let you join and get your first month for free. Kick the tires: read the always eclectic member feed, write some posts, join discussions, participate in a live chat or two, and listen to a few of our over 50 (free) podcasts on every conceivable topic, hosted by some of the biggest names on the right, for 30 days on us. We’re confident you’re gonna love it.
Although I may well come across as one of those barn-burning conservatives inclined to cut off our electoral nose to spite our establishment face, I’m not. Despite
I’m going to ask you a two-part question, now that I’ve read this rather long post:
1. Would you know what a conservative agenda would look like if there was enough nationwide demand to pass it?
2. Should one get passed, would you subject yourself and/or your family to that conservative agenda?
1. Yes, I would. Domestically, it would include restrictive border and immigration controls, reduction in the size and power of Washington and its bureaucracy, a substantial simplification, overhaul, or replacement of the tax code, actual spending reductions (focusing first on controversial programs like Planned Parenthood or superfluous ones like Cowboy Poetry Festivals), most likely some sort of entitlement reform, a shift in power back to the states for issues not Constitutionally mandated for the feds, and debt reduction.
2. Yes, I would. I’m aware that in some ways it would be difficult, which is part of why I’d be satisfied with things going in the right direction (even if not as quickly as I’d like) so long as they’re actually going in the right direction. Indeed, things would be tough if we did some of this stuff, but they’ll be much tougher if we don’t.
So… the way you can tell is if the Pragmatist in question has been a governor.
Perhaps, but not necessarily.
W had a fairly strong record as governor of Texas, but when he got to Washington and considered himself to be leading the entire country he became far more pragmatic.
But I think if the governor of a blue or purple state governed as an effective conservative, that’s a better indication of how he’d be as “governor” of the purple country as a whole. Governors of red states may or may not have had much Democratic opposition or powerful leftie constituencies to contend with, so we don’t know how they’d respond in a more “purple” environment.
Another excellent post Martel, bravo!
Absolutely agreed. This is why I ultimately trust Scott Walker more than Ted Cruz. I don’t doubt Cruz’s sincerity, but I just have no idea how someone who’s spent his short political career attacking leadership would respond once he found himself in leadership with the responsibility of actually passing a budget and needing to get votes. I’m not sure Cruz knows himself.
There again, it can be hard to evaluate a blue-state governor who has been unfortunate enough to be stuck with a Democratic legislature. But we know a lot about Walker or Kasich.
Do you have any suggestions for how to speed the process of telling the difference, if given the opportunity? What kinds of questions would separate the principled GOP pragmatist from the cynical kind?
Chesterton “The great elk did not say, “Cloven hoofs are very much worn now.” He polished his own weapons for his own use. But in the reasoning animal there has arisen a more horrible danger, that he may fail through perceiving his own failure. When modern sociologist talk of the necessity of accommodating one’s self to the trend of the time, they forget that the trend of the time at its best consists entirely of people who will not accommodate themselves to anything. …Every man speaks of public opinion, and means by public opinion, public opinion minus his opinion. Every man makes his contribution negative under the erroneous impression that the next man’s contribution is positive. Every man surrenders his fancy to a general tone which is itself a surrender”
I’d add an observation– there is no such thing as public opinion. There are people with strong views and people without strong views on an infinitude of matters and these cannot be measured in any meaningful way and to the extent we measure them the averages lose all the important information. Leadership can shape short term outcomes on polls, on elections and folks can be stirred up to send checks and letters. But when we say we must be pragmatic we’re speaking about special interests and the implication is that we must capitulate to them before we’ve even designed a strategy to manage them.
Your analysis of Pragmatists kept reminding me of Mike Murphy. Particularly Murphy’s annoying attitude that political campaigns should be warped around whatever is the most convenient for him.
Even assuming good faith, the pragmatics have no pragmatism.
I think we can safely conclude that Cruz is an idealist. You’re correct that the question is whether he’s pragmatic enough to effect the change both he and I would want him to effect. Not unlike the governor of a blue state, it’s hard to know what a freshman Senator is capable of when McConnell is in charge of the Senate. We know he’s made a lot of enemies, but it’s hard to say if that was necessary or a misstep? (I incline towards the former opinion myself). That said, he’s had about as much effect as a freshman can have.
On Kasich, did he expand Medicare for ideological or pragmatic reasons, did he do it because he believed it best for his state or because it would help him stay in office?
Walker seems to have a strong combination of idealism and pragmatism.
Like I’ve said, it’s difficult to tell, which is why I put the onus on them to prove they’re not.
When sharing an idea on how to change something, the pragmatist just a bit more likely to sound like he actually heard what you have to say before telling you it can’t be done. When telling you it can’t be done, the pragmatist might seem just a bit disappointed, whereas the elitist will seem a bit more smug.
The pragmatist is more likely to have an instinctive affinity for conservative thought when discussing the ideals he’d like to see; the elitist steers such conversation away from ideology and towards inside baseball and name-dropping. Pragmatists are far more likely to have read the likes of Thomas Sowell or other thinkers than elites.
As a taking head on television, pragmatists and elites sound remarkably alike, but when confronted with an actual flesh-and-blood person, somehow the pragmatist will usually subtly express some sort of affinity for him and his beliefs. The elitist will try to hide his disgust.
But there are some damn good actors out there who can fool you. This being a question of the heart, ultimately it requires insight to tell which is which.
Like I’ve said at other times, you can’t always tell which is which. However, my best guess is that Murphy is more of an elitist than pragmatist, whereas I suspect Rick Wilson is more pragmatic.
But I’m an expert on neither and have met neither so I could be wrong.
They’re often definitely lacking in wisdom, I’ll give you that.
I don’t know where I fall in all of this. Although I have a lot of strategy disagreements with the base and I also believe that Congressional leadership is not doing a fraction of what it could or should be doing.
I agree with you that inspiration is important. But just as important is what is being inspired. I see much more about burning things down than about building up a conservative future.
I really don’t know. Perhaps I should have said the information about Kasich is out there rather than that we know it. If I had lived in Ohio and followed him as closely as Walker, I would maybe have a better sense.
He certainly makes an ideological case for it, but his ideological case is so anti-conservative that I have a hard time believing he means it from what little I know of his previous record. I wonder if losing that battle with the unions did something to his judgment.
I agree Cruz is an idealist. I have to admit it rubs me the wrong way when a brand new Senator from Texas — where his idealism actually does benefit him politically — lectures a stage full of people from New Jersey, Florida, Wisconsin, and Ohio about being just “campaign conservatives.” Even when I don’t like some of their compromises, it almost makes me defensive on their behalf.
This might mean you’re a pragmatist who actually believes in something. When communicating with idealists, perhaps ensure you’ve established you’re in ideological agreement before emphasizing your tactical disagreements.
People need to be inspired, so if nobody advocating the right thing inspires them, they’ll gravitate towards an “inspirational” person advocating the wrong thing.
There is an aspect of “burn it all down” to the base, but the base has been misled repeatedly. Had the establishment made more of an effort to reassure the base it’s actually doing what it can to promote conservatism or made an effort to guide the base’s fervor instead of stamp it out this would be less of a problem.
Agreed. It’s easy when the tide is going your way. I don’t begrudge Cruz is enthusiasm, but a little context is in order. I am glad he is the Senator from Texas, but I don’t think he could get elected as the Senator from New Jersey. Sure, some of them could do better. Could we really expect a whole lot more from Scott Walker?
I haven’t followed closely enough to know, either. If he did it for ideological reasons, he’s a moderate. If for practical reasons, he might be a bit too pragmatic. I realize that sometimes we have to give a little to get a little, but in Washington if we give much more there will be nothing more to give.
Yet when McConnell says before the election he’ll repeal Obamacare with 51 votes (and the rest of the Senate fails to call him on it) it practically begs for that type of criticism.
I certainly think I do. I’d like to think that my comment did what you said. If I didn’t let me know.
You didn’t seem anything even remotely close to combative or smug, so I’ve no complaints.
Those pragmatists who do exhibit such tendencies here on Ricochet haven’t shown up in this thread. Which disappoints me because I’d really like to hear what they have to say on this.
Sure, but he wasn’t on that stage.
To be fair I’m not aware of Cruz crossing the line in attacking his fellow candidates so far. But you can see the fireworks coming.
And — seeing his willingness to engage in criticism of other Republicans — he ought to take Trump on. He doesn’t have to get involved in the “politically incorrect” debate. Just do us all a favor and set the record straight on single payer.
I half-agree, or maybe more. I think the leadership has been terrible, timid and demoralizing. All fair.
That said, we all bear our own responsibility for dealing with hardship. When time get tough, some people strive to do better and some people reach for the bottle (or the noose). I say this out of the absolute conviction that we are so much better than what we are allowing ourselves to become.
We are the heirs of the politics of freedom and prosperity. We have a good message. All I want out of my political life is to make people happy and free and rich. Other than self-defense, I’m not looking to hurt anybody. Maybe that’s crazy talk to a lot of people. All I know is that it motivates me.
We need “experts,” people who know voting and demographic trends, folks who can somehow deduce your stance on gun control from …
Data science is indeed crucial for electoral success. It is the best thing Democrats have going for them right now, or perhaps second only to their understanding of media and their dominance in that domain.
Whether you use data science for national security or for winning elections, the more detailed the data, the better the algorithms, the more reliable the analytics. We need to know more about e.g. Trump poll respondents, question shorthand terms like the “base,” and avoid overly broad groupings such as “enemies of conservatism.”
Ultimately, each individual voter profile should be as exact as possible on the issues, on personality type, emotional needs, and on other key levers such as influence, likelihood to contribute funds, and so on.
On “enemies of conservatism” — Could we possibly save this one for ISIS and MoveOn.org?
Suppose I felt passionate enough to donate to Scott Brown’s initial campaign to block the Democrats’ 60th vote in the Senate. Am I an “enemy of conservatism” because, like Brown, I support abortion rights, and oppose cutting off birth control funds via Planned Parenthood? Replace “defunding Planned Parenthood” with “opposes raising taxes” in paragraph three above, as a politically significant parallel to overturning Obamacare, and I’m still listening to your argument.
Is a Virginia voter who abstained on Ken Cuccinelli due to social issues an “enemy of conservatism” even if he voted for Ed Gillespie’s almost-successful upset campaign for a Virginia Senate seat? Why did he or she do so? Instead of identifying a voter as “an enemy of conservatism” for one belief, use his information to trigger more Gillespie votes on his next run.
Maybe more exact terms, like “enemy of social conservatism” communicates better, since such a person can be a bulwark of other forms of conservatism. Sheldon Adelson, e.g. is both pro-Israel and pro-choice, and was the largest contributor to Newt Gingrich’s conservative campaign in 2012.
On “the base” — Whose base is it, anyway? Are there different bases in different districts and states?
Which past GW Bush voters who sat out Obama-Romney did so because of Romney’s Mormon faith? Because he “didn’t care about people like me?” Because he didn’t respond actively to Hurricane Sandy? Do we have this data? If a voter self-profiles as “very conservative” does that make them part of the base, even if they live in a close purple state and didn’t vote for Romney?
Which voters in Ohio didn’t vote for Romney but did vote for John Kasich’s re-election campaign? Are they in “the base” if they are also registered Republicans? Is a Republican cop who retired to Florida a part of the base, even if his wife still subscribes to The New York Times and he polls for Donald Trump?
If you have ever attended a Tea Party rally, but never go to Church, are you in the base? If you’re in the top 20% of consistent Republican voters in California, check Drudge and Rush for news, give to the NRA, and have a same sex civil union which you may soon upgrade, can you, too, be part of the base?
Terms like “the base” are useful shorthand for Rush Limbaugh, but really his base is those who listen to him because they like most of what he says. Maybe there are several versions of the conservative base, and all this talk of “the” base is really only asking “who’s on first?” and leaving other bases uncovered.
Conclusion: The dichotomy between “pragmatists” and “firebrands” is imperfect. Without more sharply defined detailed voter profiles and more precise interpretive language, it could blur rather than refine actionable intelligence for winning states and districts.
I suspect his strategy is to eventually harness Trump’s support by letting the other candidates rip into him until they marginalize him enough to get out. Were he to criticize Trump that wouldn’t happen. Regarding the morality of his approach, it’s not like Trump is going uncriticized; he’s just letting the other candidates do it.
I think also that the establishment is so terrified of Trump that Cruz might eventually strike them as reasonable by comparison.
You’re not incorrect. However, to help people become what they should be we first have to recognize what they are.
Indeed, each person is responsible for making morally correct decisions. Yet human nature being what it is is horribly flawed.
Part of the reason the Constitution and Christianity have been so successful is that each understands people thoroughly. After acknowledging our sinful nature, we can do wonders. When (like lots of GOP politicos) we just pretend people aren’t going to get mad and count on them to do the right thing, all too often they won’t.
People are mad. Rational or not, we can’t ignore that.
Correct. Collecting and compiling such data is a science, but aspects of knowing what to do with such data is often more of an art. I’ve worked with those of such a scientific temperament, but I’ve seen firsthand how their left-brained approach all to often misses things that are obvious to somebody a bit less analytical.
It’s conventional wisdom that although voters say they hate negative ads that they still work. However, focus groups also say they want politicians who “can reach across” the aisle but then vote for the most partisan member of the Senate over the guy who said “reach across the aisle” every time he spoke.
Yet tell this to an “expert” and he’ll just roll his eyes.
I’d love to, but there are indeed people on our side of the aisle who are more likely to stand in the way of shrinking the size of government than to support it.
Being inclined towards libertarianism myself, on some issues conservatives consider me an enemy, on others they love me.
The way I’d break it down is that overall you’re an ally, but on some issues you’re an opponent (not enemy). However, although the exact line is difficult to draw, eventually there comes a point when you’re more against me than for me. Moreover, an individual in Virginia who wants to keep funding PP is less of an “enemy” than a Senator doing the same.
Nobody is with me all the time, but some folks just seem to happen to get in the way virtually every time it matters.
Again, alliances are shifting, usually partial, and often temporary. However, as much as I’d love to write a post delineating every possible variation of conservative, libertarian, partial ally, etc., this post is long enough as it is.
And the Koch brothers support gay marriage. Still, as much as I oppose gay marriage, the Kochs are with me often enough to consider them allies. Still, when writing about broad national trends getting too bogged down in every contingency can be counter-productive.
I’d argue that the base are those voters who largely adhere, believe in, and vote to promote conservative principle and governance. Yes, it’s an imperfect definition. Indeed, the Republican base is different in Connecticut than of Alaska. However, generalities can in fact be drawn.
When trying to devise a strategy for a specific race or outreach program, defining “the base” as specifically as possible with zillions of little subgroups makes perfect sense. When describing overall trends and tendencies in a blog post that’s by nature much more limited in scope it doesn’t.
This exemplifies the “scientific” mindset I described earlier, essential yet too detail-oriented to work effectively without an “artistic” counterpart.
There are people who advocate doing what’s right consequence be damned virtually all the time. There are others who approach everything with calculation and precision. Still others are somewhere in the middle.
Yet the obvious fact that each one of us is an individual in no way detracts from the validity of a description of people’s general tendencies.
Were I devising a detailed campaign strategy for a specific race, you’d be more correct. But I’m not.