Last summer, I wrote a series of posts, examining the question of executive temperament. I started by exploring in detail its absence on Barack Obama; went on to examine its presence in Mitch Daniels, Chris Christie, and Bobby Jindal; and ended with a piece suggesting that executive temperament, which Franklin Delano Roosevelt possessed in abundance, is insufficient: we need a President who is principled, and there are no better principles than those on which this country was founded.

Hamlet

I did not hear President Obama’s speech this afternoon. In the class that I am teaching with a colleague entitled Shakespeare: History, Politics, and Poetry, we had a guest lecturer, his subject was Hamlet, and I figured that I would learn more from listening to him than from listening to the President of the United States.

All of this notwithstanding, I could not help thinking of our President as I listened to the lecture – for he bears a certain resemblance to Hamlet. Like the Prince of Denmark, he is a product of the university. He may not have been taught at Occidental College and Columbia University what Hamlet was presumably taught at Wittenberg: that man is totally depraved, that the world in which we live is itself fallen as a consequence of original sin, that salvation is by faith alone, and that works are epiphenomenal and inconsequential. But he does appear, in the course of his education, to have come to believe that nothing is right or wrong but thinking makes it so, and he evidently prefers speech to deeds.

These days, to be sure, he gives fewer speeches. His handlers, who recognize the damage that overexposure can do, see to that. But he does even less – unless you consider playing golf, partying, and vacationing here, there, and everywhere a species of praxis. He could not get around to thinking about the Libyan crisis because he had . . . ahem . . . a scheduling problem. And when he finally made a move, it was, typically, too little, too late.

ObamaGW

This afternoon’s speech – which, as a penance for my sins (which must be many and grievous), I just ploughed through – was in keeping with the President’s habitual practice. He said nothing, and he said it at considerable length. Paul Ryan and the Republicans in the House have laid out a plan to balance the budget over a considerable span of years. It is imperfect, but it is also impressive. The recent budget agreement, negotiated by John Boehner with the Democrats may be a con, as many now contend. But Paul Ryan’s budget is nothing of the sort. It is a serious, responsible attempt to chart out how we might cope with a crisis that poses a grave threat to our long-term well-being.

Obama’s response was to posture – to take cheap, predictable shots at some of the cuts proposed by the Republicans; to propose severe cuts in defence, the one part of the federal budget that may merit an increase; to lie, just as he has in the past, about the putative savings implicit in the healthcare bill passed last year, and to propose tax increases on “the richest Americans” – which is to say, on anyone who threatens to become prosperous. In typical fashion, he made dramatic claims and mentioned large numbers but provided no information as to how those numbers were generated.

In short, he went through the motions. He acknowledged that the times are out of joint and that there is something rotten in the state of America: to wit, that the national debt poses a threat to our well-being. He promised to defend the programs that lie outside the constitutional prerogatives of the federal government; he proposed to cut the programs that are central to the constitutional responsibilities of the federal government; and he lied through his teeth with regard to the fiscal consequences of our raising taxes on those who aspire to be prosperous and not repealing his healthcare reform.

I will not revisit what I detailed last summer in my examination of Barack Obama’s lack of an executive temperament. Here it is sufficient to say that, whereas Harry Truman had a sign on his desk saying, “The Buck Stops Here,” the motto of the Obama administration ought to be, “Passing the Buck."

americanpresident

Whenever I tune in to a big presidential speech, I listen for the great man’s voice – that is, what he truly believes, and what rhetoric seems authentically his.

So I listened to the grand unveiling, at George Washington University, of President Obama’s plan to curb spending, pare down the national debt and reform entitlements.

And I listened.

And listened . . .

And listened . . .

But the voice?

Instead of one president, I heard a presidential chorus.

To wit: I’ll give an excerpt of the speech, you decide if it's POTUS 44 or someone else . . .

From our first days as a nation, we have put our faith in free markets and free enterprise as the engine of America’s wealth and prosperity. More than citizens of any other country, we are rugged individualists, a self-reliant people with a healthy skepticism of too much government.

The President: It sure sounds Reaganesque to me – support of the free market, belief in individualism, keeping government on a short leash. No way this makes the cut a year ago.

I don’t need another tax cut.

The President: Bill Clinton loved to do this during his eight years – personalize the tax debate (here he is, doing it on the campaign trail last fall).  Obama liked this phrase so much that he used it twice in the speech (once in the prepared remarks and a second time ad-libbing, as an astute blogger over at Commentary noted).

This is who we are. This is the America I know. We don’t have to choose between a future of spiraling debt and one where we forfeit investments in our people and our country. To meet our fiscal challenge, we will need to make reforms. We will all need to make sacrifices. But we do not have to sacrifice the America we believe in. And as long as I’m President, we won’t.

The President: Andrew Shepard.

Andrew . . . who?

Not a real figure, but “The American President” – Aaron Sorkin’s cinematic vision of the White House in a liberal fantasyland (a hunky widower commander-in-chief finds love with enviro-lobbyist Annette Bening despite the worst aspersions of knuckle-dragging conservative doofuses).

Here’s the big moment in the flick, where the prez brags about being a card-carrying member of the ACLU, defender of free speech, tells Richard Dreyfuss to go stuff it (wow -- beating up Richard Dreyfuss!!), and sez he’ll go to the mattresses to fight global-warming and rid the world of those nasty hand-guns once and for all.

That’s the president the left has romantically pined away for – for the past 15 years, at least. As the keft has learned the hard way, it’s not the president Barack Obama has become – certainly not since the November election and his newfound willingness to give in to the right (on taxes and budget cuts).

At GWU, Obama didn’t go as far as the big-screen Democrat -- Sorkin does movies, not campaigns. Indeed, we’ll learn in the weeks ahead if the real-life/small-screen president can stand his ground with the House Republicans.

However, Obama did end an unmistakable signal to the left by giving the impression that he’s adamant about raising taxes on the wealthy and won’t let those heartless conservatives get their way with Medicare reform.

At least, that’s what the President said.

But do you actually believe him?

Moreover, do you think Obama believes it himself?

President Obama rose to the U.S. Senate without having to take many politically courageous moves. The closest he came was his speech against the Iraq War.

Far from challenging the rampant political corruption around him, Obama aligned himself closely with Mayor Daley and State Senate President Emil Jones, two of his political patrons who were well known for abusing their power. (I wrote about this under-covered subject at length.)

So today, Obama promises to make hard choices. Did he? Here is the first thing you need to know about Obama's debt speech, courtesy of The Washington Post:

Obama proposed sharp new cuts to domestic and military spending, and an overhaul of the tax code that would raise fresh revenue. But he steered clear of fundamental changes to Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security — the primary drivers of future spending.

Next: Obama's speech demonstrates that he relies on "revenue-raisers" that are dead-on-arrival well in advance:

[W]hile I agree with the goals of many of these deductions, like homeownership or charitable giving, we cannot ignore the fact that they provide millionaires an average tax break of $75,000 while doing nothing for the typical middle-class family that doesn’t itemize.

If you recall, the idea of capping charitable deductions has already been rejected by Senate Finance Chairman Max Baucus, D-Mont. Unless you want a full-blown revolution among non-profits that depend on fundraising, this isn't going to go over well.

In any case, this -- like the rest of his ideas for raising taxes on the 2% of Americans with the highest annual incomes, isn't going to raise nearly enough money to deal with any the problems the nation faces.

The bottom line from Obama's speech is that he is not the guy to look to if you want someone to make politically difficult choices. It's easy enough to promise America that you can solve all of its problems by raising taxes on a few, but that's just not the way the world or the budget works. The revenue he hopes to recoup with tax increases, most of which was included in his February budget, pales in comparison to the future Medicare expenses he will do nothing about.

Unsustainable entitlement programs will remain unusustainable, and Obama will do nothing to touch the subsidies that effectively "reward his friends" in the fields of clean energy and ethanol.

Republicans would do well to respond to this speech by accepting any defense cuts that Obama proposes and adding them to something resembling the Ryan Plan. If they cannot move it all the way this year with a concurrent budget resolution, then they can try their odds in the 2012 election and hope the electorate will reward them for telling the truth.

Then plan for a budget reconciliation process which, for the first time I can remember and possibly the first time in the history of the modern budget process, actually does what budget reconciliation is supposed to do-- reduce deficits.

Of all the places to cut into President Obama's remarks today, I'd like to start here. As everyone now knows, there is a super-rich elite class of Americans -- and not just Americans -- that stands clearly apart from what we now are going to have to call the 'merely wealthy'.

The distinction here is quantitative, of course, but not simply in the way we have been trained to expect. Yes, the superrich have vastly higher incomes than the merely rich. But they also have vastly, vastly higher net worths. Income, lest we forget, is actually an unreliable and illegitimate proxy for true wealth. But -- and this is crucial -- the distinction is also qualitative: the superrich elite, as a group and as a rule, are culturally different from the merely wealthy. Anyone wanting a prefatory glance at the details should go read Chrystia Freeland.

It is essential we all notice that Obama's remarks laid bare a worldview dedicated to obscuring the fundamental and revealing differences between the merely wealthy and the superrich elite. According to this worldview, a family of five with a net worth of $100,000 and two breadwinners grossing $250,000 a year is, for purposes of taxation and the social compact, just like Warren Buffett...and just like Barack Obama.

It beggars belief that Warren Buffett, Barack Obama, or anyone else can really believe that these two groups of people are really so similar that we are entitled -- obliged! -- to refer to them all as 'the richest Americans'. Yet this Obama does, time and again. It is the habit, and now almost the premise, of his party. And it is a conceptual monstrosity -- a lie of such sweep and power that it can destroy far more than the fortunes of America's merely wealthy, or even those Americans willing to take on risk and toil for a chance to rise to their ranks.

You can find the full text of Obama's speech on "reducing" the debt and deficits here.

While our esteemed contributors are busy writing up their well thought out responses to the speech, you can find a few instant reactions from the Ricochet community here:

@jamespoulos Obama's consistent conflation of the merely rich with the superrich elite speaks volumes about our strange era

@freddoso Obama proposes tax simplification. Wow, what a great idea -- no one's ever thought of that one before.

@DavidLimbaugh Ok, will GOP say, "the president made some good points today. He acknowledged we have mounting debt?" Or will they say "He's a debt menace?"

@ClaireBerlinski Well, at least Obama made no mention of "strong and dark propaganda" or "coup-plotters." Let's give him that!

@TheKennedySmith $1 trillion deficit reduction is his proposed 2012 budget? What?

@jimmiebjr Congratulations Paul Ryan. It took you one whole week to turn Barack Obama into Nancy Pelosi.

So who's excited for President Obama's big speech today at 1:35 Eastern? The White House is vaguely outlining the speech. Apparently Obama will call for "keeping domestic spending low, finding additional savings in our defense budget, reducing excess health care spending while strengthening Medicare and Medicaid, and tax reform that reduces spending in our tax code."

We're waiting for details. The general vibe here seems to be that President Obama is trying to swoop in and get more attention in the aftermath of Ryan's well-received budget plan. Jennifer Rubin at the Washington Post has some Republican thoughts on the upcoming speech:

President Obama has promised to speak about his thoughts on the debt crisis. It’s not clear, however, why he didn’t do this at the State of the Union or what, if anything, he is going to accomplish. But as a matter of communications strategy, there’s reason to question sending the president out to talk to the country in these circumstances. An adviser of a senior Senate Republican has this take: “They didn’t think this one through. They’re winging it.” He sees a three-pronged dilemma for the president: “His base won’t let him touch Social Security, Medicare was gutted in ObamaCare, and they couldn’t pass a tax hike with a supermajority Democratic Congress.”

A Republican communications guru also takes a dim view of the effort, telling me, “This speech, to me, is incredibly reactionary, as is everything they seem to do at the White House. Paul Ryan made a big splash with his plan, and now the White House is playing catch-up. Notice that the speech is in middle of the day and not at the White House but instead at George Washington University. So, it’s a ‘major-minor’ speech?” The guru sees a White House obsessed with spin: “All the White House believes the president has to do with this speech is reclaim the headlines. So, he just has to sound good. In their mind, he could be reading out of the phone book.”

Speechifying is the big weapon in the Obama administration arsenal. When a speech goes over well, it goes over very well. Usually, however, they're forgettable. Either way, Rep. Paul Ryan will respond to the speech tomorrow.

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