Mark Wilson
Joined
May '10

After a revolving-door recidivistic predator attempted to rape a woman in Sheriff Chuck Wright's Spartanburg County, he dispensed some advice to the humble citizens of his jurisdiction:

undertech-undercover-concealment-shirt-womens

"I want you to get a concealed weapons permit," Sheriff Chuck Wright said at the Monday news conference, as reported by TV station WYFF. "Don't get Mace. Get a firearm."

Liberals, most of whom have never seen a firearm in person, like to portray concealed weapons not as a tool for self-defense, but as a step toward vigilantism and a threat to law enforcement officers.

Of course the decision to carry a weapon is highly personal.  I'm interested to hear what our many lovely Ricochettes think of the good sheriff's suggestion.

will

From George Will's column in the Washington Post just yesterday:

Republicans are more conservative than at any time since their 1980 dismay about another floundering president. They are more ideologically homogenous than ever in 156 years of competing for the presidency. They anticipated choosing between Mitt Romney, a conservative of convenience, and a conviction politician to his right. The choice, however, could be between Romney and the least conservative candidate, Newt Gingrich.

newt

Romney’s main objection to contemporary Washington seems to be that he is not administering it. God has 10 commandments, Woodrow Wilson had 14 points, Heinz had 57 varieties, but Romney’s economic platform has 59 planks — 56 more than necessary if you have low taxes, free trade and fewer regulatory burdens. Still, his conservatism-as-managerialism would be a marked improvement upon today’s bewildered liberalism.

Gingrich, however, embodies the vanity and rapacity that make modern Washington repulsive. And there is his anti-conservative confidence that he has a comprehensive explanation of, and plan to perfect, everything.

Granted, his grandiose rhetoric celebrating his “transformative” self is entertaining: Recently he compared his revival of his campaign to Sam Walton’s and Ray Kroc’s creations of Wal-Mart and McDonald’s, two of America’s largest private-sector employers. There is almost artistic vulgarity in Gingrich’s unrepented role as a hired larynx for interests profiting from such government follies as ethanol and cheap mortgages. His Olympian sense of exemption from standards and logic allowed him, fresh from pocketing $1.6 million from Freddie Mac (for services as a “historian”), to say, “If you want to put people in jail,” look at “the politicians who profited from” Washington’s environment.

What would be the word for Will's attitude toward Gingrich? "Disdain?"  Too mild.  "Contempt?"  "Scorn?" Perhaps.  "Loathing?"  Yes.  The word would be "loathing."

In any event, I find that I have begun consoling myself with the hope of the truly desperate:  a deadlocked convention.  Mitch?  Paul Ryan?  Haley?  Jeb?  Might one of them step forward at last?

Kenneth
Joined
Jul '10
Kenneth
Jan 19, 2011 at 5:11pm

The United States has been the world's primary exponent of free trade for over a century.  For much of that time, free trade served our interests well: as tariffs and other barriers came down, growth in global trade helped to fuel economic expansion and job growth here at home.

But the acceleration of globalization has changed the dynamics of trade.  Our annual trade deficit, adjusted for inflation, has increased from $169.7 billion in 1990 to approximately $630 billion in 2010.  Meanwhile, annual GDP growth is lagging, our manufacturing base has been decimated and incomes are stagnant or falling. 

The ability to sustain a vibrant manufacturing base is dependent upon the availability of capital, access to management and process expertise and cost-efficient labor.  In the past, the United States held a decisive advantage in all but the labor-cost part of that equation.  Now, with the help of our own financial and manufacturing firms, our competitors have erased those advantages.

A key factor in our growing trade disadvantage is that most of our leading manufacturing companies have gone multi-national.  Last year, Caterpillar, long one of America's leading exporters, filled fewer than half of its 15,000 global new jobs here at home.  Now, Caterpillar manufactures much of its equipment in countries like Brazil, India and China.  Much of that is exported to countries around the world.  Though some of Caterpillar's profit does flow back to the United States, much of it is reinvested abroad. 

It is ironic that we currently borrow billions from our trading partners in order to provide a social safety net for precisely those manufacturing workers who are displaced by globalization. 

Perhaps it's time to ask if we might not be better off to derive that money from tariffs on imported products instead of borrowing it from the same countries whose products displaced the workers in the first place.

The classical argument against tariffs is that they will spark a retaliatory trade war.  But since the world's demand for our products and services is already so much lower than our demand for cheap imports, it might be time to re-evaluate our devotion to free trade policies that, unbridled, logically lead to an ever-declining domestic standard of living.

Rob Long
Oct 28, 2010 at 9:41am
Jump right in!

Get in on this! The winner gets...something. Not sure what, yet. An Amazon gift card, an appearance on the podcast...something cool.

Here's how we'll do it:

You correctly pick the number of House and Senate GOP gains, as of 11PM Pacific Time, November 3rd. That's the day after, and there will probably still be some recounts going on -- there's gonna be some shenanigans at the polls -- but we've got to pick a time and stick to it.

Tell us:

1. The number of GOP House net pickups;

2. The number of GOP Senate net pickups.

3. Tiebreaker #1: The number of GOP governor pickups.

4. Tiebreaker #2: Steele or Dingell?

5. Tiebreaker #3: Boxer or Fiorina?

6. Tiebreaker #4: The percentage spread between O'Donnell and Coons in Delaware. Not who wins, just the spread!

For background, check out Larry Sabato's thoughtful, measured predictions here. He says House +55, Senate +8, Governors +8-9. (Of course, in the Ricochet pool, there's no "8-9" -- you've got to pick a number....)

We'll call "Last Bets" sometime on Sunday. You can revise and change and argue it out until then. Whatever your last bet is, that's the one we'll count. So, like Chicago politics, bet early and often.

Graphic courtesy of E.J. Hill

gun

Reading Bill Whalen's post just now, I came across a comment from Paul that perfectly summed up what a lot of us must be thinking--so perfectly that I thought I'd post it right here, on our front page:

I would like to know more about Perry. I think that I can gauge Romney and Bachmann, and I know that Perry is serious about the tenth amendment (no small matter). But I want to know more -- lots more. You folks from Texas. Speak up. Is he smart? Is he thoughtful (not quite the same thing as smart)? Is he principled? Or is he a chameleon? Most politicians are a lot like Bill Clinton (without having his skills). They are -- how shall I put it? -- flexible . . . on damned near everything. There are occasions when flexibility is called for and occasions when it amounts to being unprincipled. Is Perry slick? Or is he the genuine article? Speak up, my friends. We all need to know.

Ricochetians in the Lone Star State, do tell, do tell.

janeane-garofalo-225x300

Over at the Huffington Post, blogger Alf Lamont sets out to explain why the Left has a corner on the comedy market with funny men like the foul-mouthed misogynist Bill Maher, belligerent feminist Janeane Garofalo, and the clownish, but sometimes genuinely funny Stephen Colbert and Jon Stewart.  Lamont concludes that the Left has a monopoly on comedy because—with maaaaybe the exception of Dennis Miller– conservatives aren't funny.  To support his conclusion, he lays out five points which, more than anything else, reveal his utter lack of self-awareness.

1. Comedy is inherently subversive...Those who hold the power know very well just how damaging and subversive well-placed satire can be, so those in power see little good coming from mocking themselves and the institutions they preserve.

Because fact is, Republicans hold the White House and both chambers of Congress. 

2. Comedy is often a coping mechanism for adverse situations...You don't have to look too far or too deep to realize that comedy speaks to unfairness and injustice. If you haven't experienced them, if there's no struggle, there's less need to find a redeeming quality to your situation by injecting humor into your life.

Everyone knows that conservatives live such charmed lives that they never struggle with adversity.  Being coerced to buy products they don't want and subsidize behaviors that violate their consciences, being told whom they may or may not rent to and how much they can charge, being subjected to a government imposed drought because an irrigation system might kill some tiny fish commonly used for bait—if you think things like these are unjust or unfair, you clearly don't know the meaning of justice or fairness.

3. It is easier to sell to the 99% than the 1%...Comedy is part of entertainment, and entertainment is a business. As a numbers game, its flat out more profitable to mock the establishment when the rest of us will be buying tickets to your shows.

So conservatives continue to outnumber liberals two to one, but conservatives are the 1%.  Astounding mathematical insight right there.

4. Tradition...Let's face it, the tradition of Card-Carrying, Left-leaning, Pinko comics is a great one. A kid aspiring to comedic greatness can look to Charlie Chaplin, Lenny Bruce, George Carlin, Bill Hicks, Janeane Garofalo, Bill Maher, Jon Stewart, Stephen Colbert, and Marc Maron, if they care to lean left. However, the pickin's are slim on the other side of the aisle. Like it or not, the success of lefty comics makes the leftist tradition of comedy a self-fulfilling prophesy.

Ok, so he was grasping to make it an even five points.  This is like saying "there are no conservative comedians because there are no conservative comedians." Clever.

5. The truth...it is undeniable that the Right seems to be in a high speed dive towards absurdity so transparently errant, that it makes for simple fodder to those looking to mock. As Rory Albanese of The Daily Show pointed out during our panel," Santorum is Anti-College! How can you not make fun of that?" For my part, I've found that the most brazen lies about human sexuality, reproductive rights, health care, the environment, energy, foreign relations, and our president's background, all seem to be emanating from a political party who is having to do cartwheels of logic in order to keep from stumbling on its own silly reasoning.

The funny thing with this last point is that I don't think he even meant it to be funny.

But there you have it.  Conservatives aren't funny because they aren't funny.  Best not even try (I'm looking at you, Rob Long).

Mark Wilson
Joined
May '10

Two weeks ago Claire Berlinski wrote a post titled UC Davis Cops: That's Illegal in which she said

I watched this video with incredulity. ... No one of common sense can watch that video and say, "That's just how the cops should have handled that."

The video showed an officer the police department at the University of California, Davis liberally applying orange pepper spray onto the faces and hands of a line of seated protesters.  Admittedly, without any context that kind of police action is always jarring, and some members agreed with Claire in that they had trouble imagining the context would exonerate the police.

(Warning: profanity)

Well, here's a video that shows the interaction between the Occupy protesters and the campus police in the minutes leading up to the pepper spraying. It has some profanity sprinkled in toward the middle, so watch at your own discretion.

I had the odd distinction of creating a hashtag the other day which became the number one trending hashtag in the world - in this case, #5bestsmells - which was chosen by all sorts of folks on Twitter as a spawning point for offering a public version of closely held sentiment. I view it as a sort of Proustian memory indicator of happiness and pleasure - my own #5bestsmells are, as follows: charcoal grill firing up, salt of the ocean, fresh cut grass, Light Blue on a woman, and bacon.

What's your own #5bestsmells, and what scents inspire various memories for you?

Democratic Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee took to the House floor today to blast Newt Gingrich's comments about kids working as janitors, sparking an argument with Rep. Dan Lungren. An excerpt:

"The idea of substituting a New York janitor who makes $37,000, and put a bunch of kids to work — the New York school district is predominantly minority, Latino and African American — is by its very words, divisive and destructive," she said.

In response, Lungren said:

“The point he made is that it is far better that we create an economic environment in which men and women, young and old, have an opportunity to experience the satisfaction of a job well done,” Lungren said... He added that “too often, we have knocked out the lower rungs of the ladder of economic success” in a way that has led to a lack of confidence.

Set aside Jackson Lee, one of Congress's more ridiculous personalities, for a moment, and consider: what was your first job? And: what did you learn from it?

I'll say.

Look--some of his criticisms of Turkey are valid; I've made them myself, as you all know. But please tell me you find this speech, delivered in that Austrian accent, as disturbing as I find it.  That has a historic resonance no one can blithely ignore. 

GOP presidential hopeful Rick Santorum’s remarks about pornography have drawn the expected reactions: nods of agreement from social conservatives, eye-rolling from some Republicans who don’t want to see the party bogged down in controversial social issues, and derision from liberals who accuse the party of wanting to control the sexual and reproductive lives of Americans.

There is certainly some hypocrisy embedded in all those positions. You would have to be naïve to think there aren’t those among anti-pornography crusaders who head straight to the “adult” channels when they check into their hotels. Likewise, there are Republicans—and Democrats—who  fear the societal toll of pornography, but are afraid to speak up lest they be tarred as blue-nosed advocates of censorship. 

But it’s the position of the Left that I find most convoluted, because it’s a subject that would seem ripe for discussion within a movement so closely associated with  women’s issues. After all, the exploitation and degradation of women are among the primary allures of pornography. Beyond that, you would be hard-pressed to find a marriage counselor, psychologist or family-issues expert who wouldn’t concede that there can be serious  negative consequences to repeated exposure to porn.

Enter the dreaded slippery-slope argument: if you try to exercise some control, you’ll inevitably come up against a yahoo sheriff who raids the local art museum, confiscates the Chagall exhibit and jails the museum’s curator. But that’s like suggesting jury trials should be eliminated because innocent defendants are occasionally found guilty. 

None of this is an argument to ban pornography, but its omnipresence  in this information age certainly makes it a subject worthy of discussion. But when pornography—or any of the so-called social issues—is brought up, the political switchblades are immediately introduced, and any rational discussion seems impossible.

There are absolutists on both sides of the issue, but, as is often the case, the best course is likely to be found somewhere in the middle.  That, however, would require the kind of serious and thoughtful give-and-take that seems unattainable in this era of shrill talking heads. As for the Left, their argument that the government should stay out of the bedroom is one that would be easier to support if only they weren’t so anxious to welcome it in to every other room in the house.

An interesting exchange took place on the thread that Claire Berlinski started fifteen hours ago. I had written the following in an earlier post:

Is it not odd that, in a time when the country is increasingly open to the suggestion that the administrative entitlements state is on its last legs and that the moment has come for rolling back its encroachment on the prerogatives of the states and the rights of individuals, there is not one seasoned Republican officeholder capable of articulating the argument for limited government who is willing to step forward, shoulder the burden, seize the opportunity, and take the bull by the horns. What has this country become?

And, in response, Claire wrote: "But here we have the contrary problem: a cohort of men who are dangerously disinclined to seek power. Is there any historic precedent for that?"

In the comments, Copperfield responded, "Perhaps it's the waning of duty as a compelling factor." And Katievs replied, "None of these men has a duty to run for President.  They do have definite duties toward their families."

This gave me pause. "Does one's duty to one's country," I asked myself, "trump one's duty to one's family?" I think it does, and I think it does for reasons that Katievs will be forced to acknowledge. So, here, I will elaborate on the comment I posted in response to her comment, and I will do so in a way intended also to challenge the more radical of the libertarians in our number.

In my opinion, we all have a duty to serve our country. And when it is in deep trouble, those best situated to get it out of the mess it is in have a duty to come forward. That is why I think Governor Mitch Daniels and Congressman Paul Ryan were wrong to put family concerns first in deciding whether to mount a campaign for the Presidency. I do not mean that I do not sympathize with their decision. I do. I have a family myself. I would not enjoy running for public office, and I do not think that the process would be good for my family. But, in the end, I think that both men are guilty of a dereliction of duty.

Why do I take such a stand. I begin by thinking about those who have served in our armed forces. Every soldier who served during World War II understood what we are now all too apt to forget: to wit, that one's duty to one's country takes precedence over one's duty to one's family.

The reason is simple and straightforward and you can find it articulated in the opening chapters of Aristotle's Politics: The family is not self-sufficient.

To begin with, it cannot adequately defend itself if attacked. If the country goes down in a great war, it takes the family with it. Those who fought in World War II knew that if the Japanese and the Germans won their families would be at the mercy of men not apt to show any mercy to them.

But that is not all. The family is also not self-sufficient economically. It cannot sustain itself in the absence of a division of labor and commercial exchange. If the country within which a given family exists grossly mismanages the larger economy, as every American now knows or ought to know by now, that family is apt to be toast.

And there is more. The family is also not self-sufficient morally. What I have in mind is this. When children are young, their world is the household. When they get older -- especially when they become adolescents -- their world to an ever-increasing degree consists of their contemporaries. When they are young, we, their parents, can provide guidance. When they are older, they gradually emancipate themselves from our supervision. As I wrote in response to Katievs on the thread mentioned above, "You and I and every sane parent in this country worry that the larger decay in American life will draw in our children." And let's face it: we do.

Let me elaborate. We worry that our children will become druggies. We worry that they will be swept up in the sexual revolution. We worry that they will be the victims of a criminal enterprise.

All of these concerns lead us into the political arena. Because our families are not self-sufficient, because the well-being of our loved ones depends to an astonishing degree upon the survival and health of the political community, we have a duty to serve.

In my judgment, our political community is not in good health. In my judgment, constitutional conservatives in high office have a duty to step forward, and the failure of the most distingiushed of these to do so is rooted in the opinion -- widely held among social conservatives and libertarians alike -- that Katievs articulated.

They are, I believe, dead wrong -- and as long as this opinion holds sway, this country is apt to drift towards its destruction. "The best lack all conviction; the worst are full of passionate intensity."

Tunisia, as someone put it on Twitter, has now had more presidents in the past 23 hours than its had in the past 23 years. (SARAH PALIN) The BBC is asking if Tunis could be the Arab world's Gdansk. Squads of men in civilian clothes are shooting people at random--this is being attributed to Ben Ali's forces. Leila Trabelsi's brothers have reportedly been arrested, reportedly killed--who knows. (SARAH PALIN) There are reports of a major fire and many injured in Monastir jail. (SARAH) There are reports of massacres being carried out by ruling party militias. (PALIN) Videos posted on Twitter suggest these rumors are true. (SARAH PALIN) The Egyptian Twittersphere is crackling: "Oh Ben Ali, tell Mubarak a plane is also waiting for him!" The King of Jordan has assembled a military and intelligence task force in his palace to protect him from being next. Protests have spread across Jordanian cities. (SARAH PALIN! SARAH PALIN!) Gazans are taking to the street in solidarity with Tunisians. Sarkozy has convened an emergency cabinet meeting. France has blocked the "suspicious movement" of assets. (PALIN!)

tunisiaISfree police escaping to Libia : we get off of them finaly #sidibouzid #Tunisia thanks to our amry tThak you USA-EUR for dictator support SinCe 3w

No, Sarah Palin has nothing to do with this, but man, I don't know what else to say to get people's attention at this point, and I really don't think we should ignore this. 

#sidibouzid on Twitter is best for keeping up. 

  

Rob Long wrote a fantastic piece in 2010 about George H.W. Bush's "Message: I care" moment in the 1992 campaign which came to mind this week in relation to Mitt Romney's "I'm not concerned with the very poor" line, sure to be aired again and again in the fall's negative ad apocalypse.

The full quote from Romney's response to a followup query about his initial line (clear? clear!) is the problem for me:

“I said I’m not concerned about the very poor that have a safety net, but if it has holes in it, I will repair them. We will hear from the Democratic party the plight of the poor, and there’s no question it’s not good being poor, and we have a safety net to help those that are very poor. But my campaign is focused on middle-income Americans. My campaign — you can choose on where to focus. You can focus on the rich — that’s not my focus. You can focus on the very poor, that’s not my focus. …We have a very ample safety net and we can talk about whether it needs to be strengthened or whether it has holes in it. We have food stamps, we have Medicaid, we have housing vouchers, we have programs to help the poor…”

There are three ways, as I see it, to read Romney's words. One is as a misstatement, a subroutine error - like 57 states, "oops", or any other typical politician gaffe. This is not true here - Romney repeated the statement again in the same interview, and followed it up by defending the idea.

Another is as poor phrasing - a statement that makes sense, but taken out of context, can be tone-deaf or damaging (Romney's "I like to fire people" line is one of these). Romney seems to be indicating that his comment was one of these two - saying that he "misspoke".

But a third possibility, and one that is more concerning here, is a statement of unintentional honesty - one that reveals or illustrates an unpopular but accurate depiction of a candidate's views. These often occur when a candidate reads the liner notes, as Rob describes, sharing what they really think about a situation in unfortunately blunt language. Here was how Romney defended it yesterday:

 “No, no, no, no,” Romney protested when asked about his statement. “I’ve said throughout the campaign my focus, my concern, my energy is going to be devoted to helping middle- income people, all right?” He said poor people have an “ample safety net,” including Medicaid, housing vouchers, food stamps and the Earned Income Tax Credit.

 “If there are people that are falling through the cracks, I want to fix that,” Romney said. “Wealthy people are doing fine. But my focus in the campaign is on middle-income people.”

I believe Romney's statement falls into this third category. It's the sort of thing a consultant could frame in a back room or note in the margins of a speech - that a candidate should remember to focus on middle class concerns to win an election. Romney's policies already are focused on this approach - it's why, for instance, that he doesn't don't cut the capital gains for people making more than $200,000 on the high end, or talk about food stamps (he cites them as a positive above) or education policy on the low end.

Here's the problem: shared publicly, the comment doesn't just seem tone deaf and heartless (who, even non-politicians, ever says they don't care about the poor?). It indicates, as Charles Krauthammer notes, that Romney has no ability to defend conservative arguments when it comes to poor Americans. Plugging the holes in the nationwide safety net with taxpayer money is his solution, just as subsidies and Medicaid expansion was his solution in Massachusetts.

Given that President Obama has added so many to this category, this is yet another area where Romney seems particularly ill-equipped to make the case for conservative values. We are a far cry from the moment when Ronald Reagan - whose liner note reading was rare indeed - said that "Welfare's purpose should be to eliminate, as far as possible, the need for its own existence."

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For some reason, this morning I wound up reading this article about Google, published six years ago in the London Review of Books. John Lanchester concludes--and remember, this was in 2006:

Putting all this together, we reach the conclusion that, on the one hand, Google is cool. On the other hand, Google has the potential to destroy the publishing industry, the newspaper business, high street retailing and our privacy. 

And, why, goodness--that's just what it did! If I'd really grasped this, I probably would have spent the past six years differently.

The best historical analogy for where Google is today probably comes from the time when the railroads were being built. Everyone knew that trains and railways would change the world, but no one predicted the invention of suburbs. Google, and the increased flow of information on which it rides and from which it benefits, is the railway. I don’t think we’ve yet seen the first suburbs.

I think we're beginning to see the suburbs--and they look horrible to me.  

While many conservatives are wondering whether the sexual revolution was overall bad for women, I'm much more concerned that Google--and the Internet, generally--have destroyed the publishing industry, the newspaper business, high street retailing and our privacy, with consequences that have certainly been more deleterious to my happiness than the sexual revolution.

I have an ominous feeling about what the death of publishing and newspapers really means, a feeling that may not entirely be connected to the catastrophe it represents for me, personally, although it's hard to say.

As for the death of privacy, I'm dead certain we'll all live to regret that.

What do you think--was the Internet a big mistake?

***

Update: Thanks, E.J.! We love you!

Western Chauvinist
Joined
Dec '10

Alternate Title 1:  Re-elect Barack Obama 2012

Alternate Title 2:  2012 is Ron Paul's Year!

Yeah, I'm funnin' with you on that second alternate.

After reading through Ricochet contributor summaries of last night's debate and listening to some audio clips this morning, I began to seriously question my own commitment to and advocacy of voting for Romney, should he be the GOP nominee, as now appears inevitable.  

Obviously, I'm not going to vote for Obama.  But, but....?  What this pivotal moment calls for is so different from who Romney is and what he represents...  Is this the moment when we blow it all up, in the interest of creative destruction?  I argued against the debt ceiling deadline being that moment.  That may have been a mistake.

I'm tired of having the least informed and least engaged voters pick our leaders.  I'm tired of the establishment this and the establishment that.  Tweedle Dum and Tweedle Dee.  I'm doubly tired of having to defend inarticulate Texans and administrative progressives in the cause of conservatism.  Conservatism works.  The crony-socialism this country is practicing isn't just unsustainable, it's globally cataclysmic.  The end is near.

There's the rub for me.  I don't know when it's going to happen.  I just know it has to happen, the same way I knew interest-only mortgages were a deadly poison to the housing market.  We all knew it, didn't we?  We know this too -- something's gotta give.

My mood was much more hopeful a few weeks ago.  For months now, I've been telling friends and relations "There's a lot of pent up energy out there.  If we just get the right leadership, this country is gonna roar back to life."

And then one of my all time favorite conservatives, VDH, wrote an optimistic article, The Coming Post Obama Renaissance.  VDH?  Optimistic, you say?  Yeah, read it.

Maybe my mistake was listening to Thomas E Woods, author of Rollback, speaking to CPAC.  But he's not the only one predicting collapse.  My genius astrophysicist nephew sees it coming.  Others both in the public arena and private friends acknowledge that every day we fail to address the evil of Leviathan government makes climbing out of this pit of despair all the harder.  Romney may be a reprieve, but he certainly isn't a small government solution kind of guy, not with his punch-in-the-gut defense of entitlements.  I'm sickened every time I hear him.

I'm considering sitting this one out.  When I see my kids are headed for a fall, I remind myself that sometimes the best way to develop a skill is to suffer the natural consequences of failure.  Maybe Barack Obama is the best friend conservatism has ever had.  Maybe the US has to suffer the full effect of crony-socialism to learn the blessings of liberty and free enterprise.  Maybe we have to hit bottom before we can start to work our way up.  Is this that moment?  Somebody talk me off the ledge.

Michael Labeit
Joined
May '10
elitism

Implied by notion "democracy is good", to which most lend their approval, is the equally questionable notion that "elitism is bad". A search of "elitism" online will reveal it as, almost exclusively, an objection propelled by people on all sides at people on all sides of the political landscape. A similar search on Ricochet will unearth the same, that is, an overwhelmingly negative estimate of it.

Of course, I've since looked up the definition of elitism and found the following entry on Wikipedia:

"Elitism is the belief or attitude that some individuals, who form an elite — a select group of people with intellect, wealth, specialized training or experience, or other distinctive attributes — are those whose views on a matter are to be taken the most seriously or carry the most weight; whose views and/or actions are most likely to be constructive to society as a whole; or whose extraordinary skills, abilities or wisdom render them especially fit to govern."

Doesn't sound all that bad to me.

I'm thinking the most popular retort to this would assert that the many intrusions into our various affairs by politicians all betray a sinister, elitist mentality. In response, I'd emphasize the possible distinctions within elitism. Keynesians conceive of a social order where the objectives of full employment and price stability are pursued by technocrats with the (blunt) instruments of fiscal and monetary policy. There's never a dearth of socialists who believe that the major factors of production can and should be administered by calculating, enumerating central planners. Likewise, genuine liberals desire to see the factors of production governed by untrammeled capitalists and distributed via markets. In the former examples, the controlling elite is primarily an academic one, whereas in the latter, the controlling elite is an entrepreneurial one. Either way, people more credentialed then you in some respect - an elite - are in charge.

Now if someone says that's not what they mean by "elitism" I'd ask why? Why has the word "elitism" become the moniker of choice when I think "arrogance" would be a better charge against the political class?

newtonwhite

In PPP's final South Carolina poll, Newt's at 37 percent, Romney's at 28, Santorum's at 16, and Ron Paul's at 14.

Correct.  Trailing just days ago, Newt now leads by nine.

Gingrich is leading with pretty much every key segment of the Republican electorate. He's up 41-21 on Romney and Santorum with Evangelicals, he has a 52-18 advantage on Romney with Tea Partiers, he leads Santorum 44-21 with 'very conservative' voters with Romney at 20%, and he's up 39-26 with men.

Does this mean Newt will win?  Who knows?

Usually when we poll in the closing days before an election and find someone ahead by 9 points we'll say with a pretty high degree of confidence that person's going to win. I'm not comfortable saying that about South Carolina....Gingrich will probably win tomorrow- but there's a higher than normal chance for a surprise given everything that's gone down in the last 48 hours.

Basically, for two reasons:

1.  The Democrats want a shutdown.  They expect the Republicans to get most of the blame, enabling President Obama to look sweetly reasonable and entirely moderate by contrast.

2.  The GOP leadership will prove unable to talk sense to the 87 freshmen Republicans in the House and their supporters in the Tea Party.  The House freshmen, encouraged--I might almost have said egged on--by certain members of the Senate, including Rand Paul, will insist on bigger cuts than the White House and Senate can accept.

Ergo, a shutdown--and the Democrats are right.  Republicans will take most of the blame.  As Newt Gingrich learned in 1995, when you're up against the President of the United States and the mainstream press, you lose.

And all this is so completely and utterly needless.  Republicans are winning.  They need to keep locking in actual gains, not make a grand and glorious but losing stand.  As Fred Barnes argues in this morning's Wall Street Journal:

What's unsatisfying to many conservatives is most likely the best Republicans can achieve in 2011. "Public opinion seems to support Republican efforts to cut spending without shutting down the government," notes Keith Hennessey, former domestic policy adviser to President George W. Bush, and some recent polls back him up. Mr. Hennessey supports a gradualist strategy. "Don't change tactics," he says. "Just ratchet up your demands a little."

That makes sense. What doesn't is sacrificing spending cuts you can get on the altar of those you can't.

Republicans face a single imperative--just one exigency--and it isn't cutting the budget this year.  It's defeating President Obama next year.  Only then--only with a Republican in the White House--can truly deep budget cuts begin.  Insisting, as Rand Paul has done, on cutting $500 billion right now?  Refusing, as Marco Rubio has done, to vote on any more continuing resolutions, even if they include modest but genuine cuts?  Sheer self-indulgence.

Talk me out of it if you can.  Persuade me that a government shutdown next month would be good for the country, or for the GOP, or for the Tea Party, or for anyone at all.  But until you do, I have to tell you, I feel as though I'm watching one of those controlled, slow-motion car crashes.  Only instead of a dummy, inside there are 87 GOP House freshmen who have no idea--no idea at all--what's about to happen to them.

Ricochet Sales Pitch

Yesterday, Basic Books released a new book by Kay S. Hymowitz entitled Manning Up: How the Rise of Women Has Turned Men into Boys. A senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and a contributing editor to City Journal, Hymowitz is the author of an earlier book, Marriage and Caste in America: Separate and Unequal Families in a Post-Marital Age, which I touched on in a post on Sunday.

ManningUP

As a student of trends, Hymowitz is always worth reading, and the argument that she advances in her latest book is already causing intense discussion. The weekend before last, she published a teaser in The Wall Street Journal entitled Where Have All the Good Men Gone? The last time I checked 105,594 readers had signaled that they liked the piece, and there are indications that in some quarters it has also attracted considerable ire.

It is easy to see why. In this country today, there is no subject more apt to provide an occasion for the unleashing of fury than a frank discussion of relations between men and women. Neither sex is satisfied. Both are angry. And much of what is posted on the internet by men about women and by women about men is, frankly, vile.

The focus of Hymowitz’ article and no doubt of the book from which it was excerpted (which I have not yet seen) is what she called “pre-adulthood,” by which she means the condition of the twenty-something slacker dude. “Not so long ago,” she observes, “the average American man in his 20s had achieved most of the milestones of adulthood: a high-school diploma, financial independence, marriage and children. Today, most men in their 20s hang out in a novel sort of limbo, a hybrid state of semi-hormonal adolescence and responsible self-reliance.” This may make some sense, she acknowledges, for those who have gone to college (though she does not adequately explain why). “But it’s time to state what has become obvious to legions of frustrated women: It doesn’t bring out the best in men.”

What Hymowitz calls pre-adulthood is, as she argues, “a major demographic event,” which she compares with adolescence – a stage in life that did not exist for most Americans until the middle of the last century – when it became the norm for everyone to go to high school. The statistics are clear enough. There are colleges and universities in this country with something close to a one-to-one sex ratio (Hillsdale is one among them), but they are rare and highly selective. The overall ratio in the country is three-to-two – which helps explain why 34% of the women and only 27% of the men in the 25-to-34 age group have bachelor’s degrees.  The young women who do attend college have higher GPAs than the young men alongside them, and Hymowitz is right when she says that “most professors” see them as having “more confidence and drive.” Nationwide, women outnumber men in graduate school and in law school, and they earn more than their own brothers and the men they date. They get on with life, and young men don’t.

Hymowitz explains this development in part by pointing to the “knowledge economy” – to a decline in the number of jobs that we think of as typically male and to an increase in the premium paid college graduates apt to end up sitting behind a desk. She points as well to “our increasingly labyrinthine labor market.” As she puts it, “Fields that attract ambitious young men and women often require years of moving between school and internships, between internships and jobs, laterally and horizontally between jobs, and between cities in the U.S. and abroad. The knowledge economy gives the educated young an unprecedented opportunity to think about work in personal terms. They are looking not just for jobs but for ‘careers,’ work in which they can exercise their talents and express their deepest passions. They expect their careers to give shape to their identity. For today's pre-adults, ‘what you do’ is almost synonymous with ‘who you are,’ and starting a family is seldom part of the picture.” As she puts it, “Husbands, wives, and children are a drag on the footloose life required for the early career track and identity search. It has delayed a stable sense of identity, dramatically expanded the pool of possible spouses, mystified courtship routines, and helped throw into doubt the very meaning of marriage.” One consequence is a delay of marriage.  Where, in 1970, only 16% of those 25 to 29 years old have never been married, today this is true for 55%.

Hymowitz’ main point, however, is that the entry of women into the career market has given rise to “cultural uncertainty about the social role of men.”

It's been an almost universal rule of civilization that girls became women simply by reaching physical maturity, but boys had to pass a test. They needed to demonstrate courage, physical prowess or mastery of the necessary skills. The goal was to prove their competence as protectors and providers. Today, however, with women moving ahead in our advanced economy, husbands and fathers are now optional, and the qualities of character men once needed to play their roles—fortitude, stoicism, courage, fidelity—are obsolete, even a little embarrassing.

This point – and everything else that Hymowitz has to say on this subject – is well-taken. But I think that there is something that, at least in her article, she has omitted.

Some years ago, Christina Hoff Sommers published a volume entitled The War Against Boys: How Misguided Feminism is Harming Our Young Men, in which she explored the manner in which American schools – where women nearly always rule – denigrated manliness. This is, I suspect, one dimension of the problem. The qualities traditionally celebrated as signs of manliness -- fortitude, stoicism, courage, and fidelity, among them – are mocked, while everything is done to encourage young women to spread their wings.

There is, I suspect, yet another reason for the emergence of the slacker dude, and that is the sexual revolution. Prior to, say, 1969, coitus not interruptus was for the man unmarried – especially for those put off by the thought of going to a brothel – in short supply, and young women colluded to keep it that way. What they wanted was marriage, a family, and stability – in short, Hymowtiz’ “protector and provider.” They were not much interested in young men reluctant to step up to the plate; and they were decidedly unfriendly and, in fact, downright nasty to other young women who broke the rules. George Bernard Shaw caught the drift of things in the world of yesteryear when he observed that marriage was an institution bound to last – given that it combined the maximum of temptation with the maximum of opportunity.

In about 1969, as I well remember, everything changed, and footloose young men found that they could easily get for free from nice girls what they would hitherto have had to pay for in unsavory circumstances from girls not so nice. Young men are instinctively nomadic, and they enjoy chasing (and being chased and unchaste) – so this suited them just fine. In the circumstances, they found that it was outside marriage that they could most easily combine the maximum of temptation with the maximum of opportunity, and they succumbed to the temptation. There were women who would feed them, do their laundry, and provide for their needs in, ahem, other ways.

When Hymowitz observes, “Relatively affluent, free of family responsibilities, and entertained by an array of media devoted to his every pleasure, the single young man can live in pig heaven – and often does,” she misses something that Mark Regnerus, associate professor of sociology at the University of Texas and co-author of Premarital Sex in America catches when he observes, “When attractive women will still bed you, life for young men, even those who are floundering, just isn’t so bad.” There is, after all, at least one point on which Freud was more than half right: “Civilization is built on blocked, redirected, and channeled sexual impulse, because men will work for sex.” The real problem, as Regnerus points out, is that “today’s young men . . . seldom have to.”

In the end, however, this leaves both women and men unsatisfied. For no one really wants to be a pig, and members of both sexes possess longings that a passing roll in the hay will not do much of anything to quell. If Kay Hymowitz’ article in The Wall Street Journal adequately reflects her book, the latter will be at best a starting point for rumination on this subject – and not a sufficient source of enlightenment. But, on such a matter, it is certainly good to begin some serious thinking – for with regard to the relations between the two sexes we live in a world increasingly unhappy. Witness the fury aroused by even raising this subject.

Claire Berlinski, Ed.
Jan 19, 2011 at 8:57am

Another thought from this morning's subway ride. (How many Ricochet posts can I make from a single subway ride? Place your bets!) I hate being trapped in a subway car. I hate being trapped in an airplane. I hate being in any enclosed space from which I can't run. I avoid as best I can any situation I can't get away from, quickly. And you know, I don't think that's just neurotic claustrophobia. It's pretty unobjectionable to say that any time you're trapped with no exits, you're vulnerable. 

So I'm looking around me and looking at all the women in high heels. I hate high heels, too. I almost never wear them--if I'm going to be on television and they're going to film my feet, I'll do it, but basically, I hate them. I hate them because I can't run in them, and that makes me feel like a declawed, limping target. 

I'm obviously really a minority among women. But why? 

I think the proper conservative stance on high heels is firmly opposed. No one should give up her first line of self-defense in the expectation of protection by the nanny state. 

A report in The Detroit News reveals that the Santorum campaign paid for robocalls to Democrats asking them to vote for him in the Michigan open primary today. The campaign's communications director Hogan Gidley justified the robocalling strategy, explaining that, "We know that if we can get a Reagan Democrat in the primary, we can get them in the fall."

Mitt Romney is predictably upset about this maneuver, lambasting it as "a real effort to kidnap [the Republican] primary process."

And Democrats?  Well, they seem to be thrilled.  Earlier this month, the Daily Kos announced "Operation Hilarity," which calls for Democratic voters in states with open primaries and caucuses to vote for Rick Santorum whom they judge to be the weaker Republican standard bearer.

It's time for us to take an active role in the GOP nomination process. That's right, it's time for those of us who live in open primary and caucus states—Michigan, North Dakota, Vermont and Tennesseein the next three weeks—to head out and cast a vote for Rick Santorum.

Why would we do such a crazy thing? Lots of great reasons!

Republican turnout has sucked, and appears to be getting worse by the contest

Several of the contests have produced razor-thin margins of victory.

The longer this GOP primary drags on, the better the numbers for Team Blue.

The longer this thing drags out, the more unpopular the Republican presidential pretenders become.

[...]

And in any case, it's freaking hilarious. I mean, Rick Santorum? Really? The Republicans have offered up this big, slow, juicy softball. Let's have fun whacking the heck out of it.

I'm skeptical about the efficacy of such a hijacking scheme, but if you're on Team Santorum, I can see being delighted with the plan as you expectantly count down the days until this all blows up in the Democrats' faces as Rick Santorum lands in the White House.  If, on the other hand, you're on Team Romney, you're understandably mortified by this development, as you watch the race take yet another turn toward the ugly.

As much as Rick Santorum deserves credit for his tremendous victories last night in Minnesota, Missouri and Colorado, what  do you think the results mean? Isn't it true that many of the contests thus far have really been the electorate saying, repeatedly, "I don't like the frontrunner!"?

When Gingrich won South Carolina, we can certainly point to his articulate defenses of freedom and his savvy campaign performances. But we can also see the electorate saying "Don't tell us Romney is sufficiently good."

When things moved to Florida, voters said "But don't tell us Gingrich is up to snuff either. He's awful."

And now we're back to folks saying, "No, really, we have serious problems with Romney."

Gingrich did well in South Carolina because Romney had shown himself surprisingly inarticulate in defense of liberty and mumbling during debates. Romney was rewarded in Florida for putting up a great fight without having all the ex-wives of Gingrich (and running more negative ads than was thought possible). And Santorum is faring well now because conservatives still don't trust Romney and part of that is his weakness on social and economic issues. On all issues, I guess.

But what's the solution? Certainly not for anyone to get out of the race, is it? If the electorate is truly dissatisfied with this slate, this needs to continue to be messy all the way to the convention. That way, we either get a brokered convention -- to dream the impossible dream! -- or we get a candidate who becomes good enough to take on Obama.

Got that? Nobody drop out. Ron Paul, keep doing what you're doing, picking up a few delegates here and there. Santorum, work your magic in the midwest, ok? Romney, keep winning coastal states. Gingrich, do you think you could rally and pick some southern states up?

tabula rasa
Joined
Jun '10

Now that we're in a semi-respite from the Republican cat fight, how about we turn our thoughts to other issues?  I love great books on war (knowing, of course, that this is not politically correct, as I should be engaging in "Peace Studies").  It is a subject that has produced some of our greatest literature, both non-fiction and fiction.  

To get things rolling, here are a few of my non-fiction favorites:  E. B. Sledge, With the Old Breed (VDH says--and he's right--that this is the single best personal memoir of a soldier--in Sledge's case, one at Pelelieu and Okinawa); Stephen Ambrose's Band of Brothers (demonstrating that if you don't have good company commanders, you don't have a good army); Andrew Roberts' The Storm of War (the best new one volume history of World War II--Roberts was recently interviewed by Peter on "Uncommon Knowledge"), and James McPherson's Battle Cry of Freedom and Tried by War (the first is the go-to single volume history of the war and the second is a brilliant examination of Lincoln as war president).  Each is readable and each illuminates its subject, from the intimate to the strategic.

In fiction, Vasily Grossman's Life and Fate stands alone:  a great war book, but also one of the greatest pieces of literature of the twentieth century.  Less great, but nonetheless powerful, is The Black Flower, by Howard Bahr, a relatively obscure southern writer who has written three great civil war novels.  Black Flower, which is set during and after the Battle of Franklin, will break your heart.

The question:  What are your favorite books in which war is either the main subject or a central element? And why?

ParisParamus: Again, why is a mandate like Romneycare less conservative than raising everyone's state income taxes to pay for the free riders? Or, why isn't Romneycare fundamentally different than having raised everyone's state income taxes and then offering a credit if you get private health insurance for not being less of a potential burden on the state? WHY? · Dec 28 at 10:28am
MittRomney4

There is a simple answer to the question posed by ParisParamus. Government exists first and foremost for the sake of our protection. Without it, our lives and our property would not effectively be our own.Government exists also to promote our well-being. For its support, however, taxation is necessary, and we have tacitly agreed that, to be legitimate, these taxes must be passed by our elected representatives. By our own consent, we give up a certain proportion of our earnings for these purposes.

The money left in our possession, however, is our own -- to do with as we please. It is in this that our liberty largely lies. Romneycare and Obamacare, with the individual mandate, changes radically our relationship vis-a-vis the government. The former presupposes that state governments have the right to tell us how we are to spend our own money, and the latter presupposes that the federal government has that right as well. Both measures are tyrannical. They blur the distinction between public and private and extend the authority of the public over the disposition of that which is primordially private. Once this principle is accepted as legitimate, there is no limit to the authority of the government over us, and mandates of this sort will multiply -- as do-gooders interested in improving our lives by directing them encroach further and further into the one sphere in which we have been left free hitherto.

NewtGingrich6

Managerial progressives see only the end -- preventing free-riders from riding for free. And they ignore the collateral damage done by way of the means selected. Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich have no understanding of first principles. For both of these social engineers, citizens are subjects to be worked-over by the government for their own good. Both men are inclined to treat us as children subject to the authority of a paternalistic state under the direction of a benevolent and omniscient managerial class.

There is, however, this difference between Romney and Gingrich. The latter may or may not fully grasp why the Tea Party rose up against the individual mandate, but he recognizes that they did so, and he knows what is good for him -- so he has now backed away from the fierce advocacy of this despotic measure that once characterized his posture. The former is more stubborn. Politically, he is tone deaf. He seems constitutionally incapable of grasping the argument, he insists that the individual mandate is consistent with conservative principle, and he will not back off.

MittRomney3

Raising taxes to reward free riders is, of course, objectionable. We should oppose it on principle. But it does not in and of itself narrow in any significant fashion the sphere of our liberty. It is a question of the proper use of the public purse. The individual mandate sets a new precedent. It extends government control to the private purse.

Back in May, in a post entitled The Last Man Standing, I wrote, "Frankly, I shudder at the prospect that Mitt Romney will gain the Republican nomination." And I offered the following as an explanation:

As I argued in my book Soft Despotism, Democracy’s Drift, there is built into liberal democracy a natural tendency to drift in the direction of the administrative state with its concentration of power in the executive branch of the central government and its entitlement programs. This propensity can only be successfully resisted if we understand its origins and if we take cognizance of the manner in which the American regime, as envisaged by the Founding generation, was designed to stand in its way. This propensity has been systematically and quite effectively exploited by the Progressives and their heirs now for something like a century. What they understand that we need to understand is that a reversal of the trend is well nigh impossible – well nigh, let me add, but not quite. Well nigh because those in possession of entitlements will scream bloody murder if they are threatened. And not quite because, thanks in part to our unwitting benefactor Barack Obama, we no longer have the resources to support the entitlements state. We can certainly raise taxes, as President Obama and the Democrats intend to do, but that does not mean that in the long run we will take in more revenue – and it is massively increased revenue that the entitlement state needs. The Progressives are banking on the unwillingness of a considerable part of the electorate to give up the subsidies on which they live, and on this they have always to date successfully banked. Right now, however, the fiscal crisis of the welfare state offers us an opening, and I am confident that Mitt Romney will miss it. He is the sort of man who never misses an opportunity to miss an opportunity.

Since 1928, when Calvin Coolidge relinquished the Presidency, the office has been held by a number of Republicans – Herbert Hoover, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard M. Nixon, Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush. Only one of these has displayed an understanding of the problem we face, and he was, for understandable reasons, too preoccupied with wining the Cold War, to confront that problem with all of his energy. Hoover, Eisenhower, Nixon, Bush père, and Bush fils were all what I call managerial progressives. Their claim over against the liberals was that they could manage the administrative state more efficiently and effectively than their counterparts. Rarely if ever did any of them mention the Founders. Rarely if ever did they appeal to the first principles of our form of government as they are expressed in the Declaration of Independence. Rarely if ever did they appeal to the Constitution in opposition to the jurisprudential drift of the Supreme Court. Limited government was not part of their vocabulary. They were without clue.

The reasons are simple enough. Not one of these men was properly educated in the principles of American government. They had their virtues. They were practical men, can-do sorts with a pretty good understanding of how to get from here to there. In terms of moral understanding, as it is applied to political matters, however, they were bankrupt or pretty nearly so. The ordinary senior at Hillsdale College these days has a better grasp of the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the conditions of freedom than did any of these men.

The same is true of nearly all Republicans. They come into Congress, the Senate, and state government from the Chambers of Commerce. Few of them have any sort of political education. Most are businessmen. If they have something more than an undergraduate education, it is reflected by their possessing a law degree or an MBA – which is to say, they have been trained to be managerial progressives. Our law schools and our business schools owe their origins to the Progressives. They were created for the purpose of encouraging what Franklin Delano Roosevelt called “rational administration.”

The reason why I oppose Mitt Romney is simple, He was born to destroy everything that we have accomplished since the Tea-Party Movement emerged in the Spring of 2009. Romney is the very model of a managerial progressive. He has one great virtue. He knows how to run things; he knows how to organize things. He would make a good Secretary of Commerce. He has no understanding of the principles that underpin our government. And, in fact, like most businessmen, he is a man almost devoid of political principles. Give him a problem, and he will make a highly intelligent attempt to solve it. Ask him to identify which problems should be left to ordinary people and what are the proper limits to government’s reach, and he would not understand the question. He is what you might call a social engineer; and, in his estimation, we are little more than the cogs and wheels that need to be engineered.

Not surprisingly, Romney is a political chameleon. When he ran for the Senate against Ted Kennedy in 1994, he rejected the legacy of Ronald Reagan and embraced abortion. When he ran for the Republican presidential nomination, he altered his profile in both regards. It seems never to have crossed his mind when, as Governor, he confronted a Democratic legislature in Massachusetts intent on introducing socialized medicine that the individual mandate is tyrannical. Flexibility is what substitute for virtue in his case.

Romney’s political instincts are disastrous. He will betray the friends of liberty and limited government at the first opportunity. If he is nominated, the people who joined the Tea Party and turned out in 2010 to give the Republicans an historic victory are likely to stay home. If, by some miracle, the progenitor of Romneycare actually defeats the progenitor of Obamacare, he will quickly embrace the entitlement state and present himself as the man who can make it hum, as he did in Massachusetts. He is not better than Hoover, Eisenhower, Nixon, Bush père, and Bush fils. He is cut from the same cloth, and in practice he is apt to be far, far worse. The consequence will be the death in American life or at least the decay of the impulse embodied within the Tea-Party Movement.

Everything that I have learned about Mitt Romney in the six months that have passed since I wrote these words has served only to confirm my fears. I have no idea whether the Republicans will prevail in November, 2012. That they have an historic opportunity is clear. But it seems highly likely that their standard-bearer will be a man firmly and fiercely committed to the very same progressive principles that animate their opponents.

In 2002, while running for the governorship in Massachusetts, Mitt Romney said, "I have progressive views." In the most recent Republican Presidential debate, held shortly before Christmas, he strongly denied that his views had changed in the interim on anything but abortion. For the most part, I think, we should take him at his word. He was in 1994 and in 2002 a man with "progressive views," and he still is.

I would like to believe that, if Romney is the Republican nominee (as I have long believed he will be), conservative voters will hold their noses and vote against Barack Obama (as I will do). The support that Ron Paul is now drawing in Iowa and elsewhere suggests, however, that this is in no way certain. Even, however, if Romney and the Republicans win an historic victory in 2012, I doubt that anything will be done by this managerial progressive to roll back the administrative entitlements state. If I am right in my fears in this regard, the Tea Party impulse will dissipate; the Republican party will split; the Democrats will return in 2016; and 2012 will be seen in retrospect as just another bump in the long, gentle road leading us to soft despotism.

Mike Murphy
Jul 14, 2011 at 10:48am

I know the knee jerk reaction of many here will be to dismiss the argument and just call names:  RINO, Sell-out, liberal media conspiracy... blah blah.  But I know Al Hoffman well.  His credentials are very strong:  Good conservative.  Worked with him twice to help elect Jeb Bush, best conservative Governor FL has ever had.  Al has not been carping on the sidelines, but in the tough front lines of helping a great Republican conservative win and change FL. His take on the debt crisis is here.  I could not agree with him more.

Brian Watt
Joined
Jun '10
SauropodsBoardingTheArk

The same folks who brought you the Creation Museum in Petersburg, Kentucky, the $27 million dollar edifice that proudly displays homo sapiens living happily with docile meat-eating dinosaurs, are planning to break ground on a spectacular new attraction, The Ark Encounter, featuring a full-size replica of Noah’s Ark as described in the Bible. The Ark Encounter is the brainchild of Ken Ham, a former Australian high-school science teacher and Young Earth Creationist, who believes that the Earth is only some 6,000 years old and as such explains why the fossil record supports his belief the homo sapiens must have lived with dinosaurs, and even that Noah, the notable 600-year-old man and his immediate family loaded the massive beasts, some of them that paleontologists believe were quite nasty brutes with big pointy teeth, on their homemade ark.

In fact, Mr. Ham and his Creation Museum staff in what appears to be a preview of the coming attraction, depict the loading of a pair of what appear to be sauropods (though not quite to scale, since the plastic pair of giraffes preceding them on the ramp up to the deck of the model ark are just as tall…unless the sauropods are meant to be infants). Some of these more benign plant-eating brutes were so enormous, that they made present-day African elephants look like shaved, long-snouted Yorkies.

Sauropods

The Seismosaurs of the late Jurassic period have been estimated to be about 80 to 100 tons and may have been 120 feet in length and the Ultrasaurus was even bigger. (Yikes!) Maybe the ark was just built around the many species of sauropods because getting several pairs of 80 to 100 ton animals up a thin wooden gangplank even if supported by scaffolding would have been quite a trick. In the immortal words of Sheriff Brody, "You're gonna need a bigger boat".

It seems ironic that while Mr. Ham and his museum staff appear to be sticklers for adhering to a literal interpretation of Genesis, they see no problem with shoehorning dinosaurs into the creation story even though there doesn’t seem to be any reference to dinosaurs in the Bible at all. I know. I checked.

Of course, to be fair, there’s no specific mention of many other animals that must have boarded the ark as well, like gnats, butterflies, king cobras, anacondas, fruit bats, platypuses, wallabies, pythons, walruses, grizzly bears, polar bears, panda bears, koalas, Dodo birds, Komodo dragons, rattlesnakes, black widows, gila monsters, penguins, tarantulas, slugs, wasps, yellow jackets, tics, termites (luckily only two of those on the big wooden ship), lice, fleas, tapeworms, and intestinal bacteria (that must have been limited to one pair for the entire ark) and I realize I’m forgetting some…so maybe we should give Mr. Ham and his followers the benefit of the doubt.

Personally, I tend to think that if two T-Rex’s and two Spinosaurs (recall the fight scene in Jurassic Park III) managed to make their way up the gangplank, that during the voyage they probably wouldn’t have been Irish jigging below decks like Leonardo di Caprio, Kate Winslet and the rest of the revelers in the Titanic's steerage decks, and instead would have made short blood-spattering, bone-crunching work of most of the other animals on board. But there I go getting all logical and I forgot that despite what paleontologists have said, that these dinosaurs, according to science expert, Ken Ham, were really quite friendly.

Now, no one is arguing that Mr. Ham and his fellow Creationists shouldn’t be allowed to construct any museums or theme parks promoting their very interesting Biblical interpretation of creation but should they receive tax incentives in the form of rebates from Kentucky taxpayers to do so -- even if the project is considered a tourist attraction that would bring much needed revenue into the state? Is this a violation of the separation of church and state and are taxpayers being forced to lend support to a religion for which they do not subscribe? Is the state of Kentucky endorsing a religion through taxpayers' funds or through the granting of tax rebates? Is this, in essence, a violation of the establishment clause of the Constitution? Just curious.

Medical ethicists are up in arms because Mississippi Governor Haley Barbour has brokered a deal with inmates Gladys and Jamie Scott: They go free if Gladys gives Jamie her kidney

On Thursday, the governor signed an order that suspended the Scott sisters' life sentences as long as Gladys, 36, who is healthy, donates her kidney to Jamie, 38, who has been on dialysis. The women have been imprisoned for the past 16 years on charges of masterminding an armed robbery.

"As soon as the governor began throwing around commutation -- getting out of her prison sentence -- he began to undercut the ethical framework," said Dr. Art Caplan, director of the Center for Bioethics at the University of Pennsylvania. "He has now put the sisters' donation in jeopardy because the parole is absolutely a payment, which is against the law. It would be considered pressure or coercion."

Now, I'd understand objecting to a deal in which an inmate was offered release in exchange for giving a kidney to a complete stranger--although I'd say, if he wants to, why not? Isn't that a much more meaningful way to repay one's debt to society than languishing at taxpayer expense in a prison? 

But objecting to a deal in which an inmate wants to give her sister her kidney? Apparently, if Jamie does not get the kidney, she will die. It's obviously far more cruel and unusual to prevent Gladys from donating her kidney--and prevent her from saving her sister's life--than to permit it, wouldn't you say?

Am I missing something? Or are the medical ethicists out of their minds? 

Aaron Miller
Joined
May '10

I see the ad every day now: "If he were around today, he'd be on Ricochet" overlayed on a picture of a laughing Teddy Roosevelt. It bothers me.

Teddy-1

It bothers me because what little I've read about Theodore Roosevelt suggests that he was a progressive, much like the later Roosevelt who did more to damage American government than even Obama.

FDR was a curse upon America, yet has been lionized by the Left... so successfully that even most conservatives never question, as they were taught throughout their public schooling, that he was one of America's greatest Presidents. I'm inclined to think Teddy Roosevelt is the beneficiary of the same propoganda. So...

Teach me about Teddy Roosevelt. Why should conservatives respect him? Why do liberals love him?

Hitchens

Christopher Hitchens -- a friend to many in the Ricochet constellation and, regardless of the merits of his specific views, perhaps the most forceful writer currently drawing breath -- was in Houston this weekend to accept the Richard Dawkins Freethinker of the Year Award from the Texas Freethought Convention.  Given some of our recent discussions here, one of his remarks may be ripe for conversation amongst the Ricochetoise. As the Daily Caller reports:

Hitchens, a noted atheist and anti-theist, also praised GOP presidential aspirant Rick Perry during his remarks for having the courage of his convictions and saying that those who do not believe in Jesus will be “condemned to hellfire.”

“Shame on the soft-shelled, soft-centered Christians that don’t have the guts to say that is what their belief really is,” Hitchens said.

I open the question to you, the readers. Was Hitch correct to note that an intellectually honest defense of Christianity shouldn't shy away from a candid account of the consequences of disbelief? Or was this just a clever way of caricaturing his ideological opponents?

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