That's the motto of North Carolina. To Be, Rather Than To Seem. I may get this as a tattoo. No, you may not laugh. Too often, the whole country seems to have the reverse tattooed on the inside of our national eyelids, or deep inside the national hippocampus. So I applaud Jason Horowitz and Matt Welch for taking our political obsession with "narrative," or what seems rather than what is, down a peg. Right now I'm reading Up From Liberalism, wherein Our Hero complains that liberalism is all about method at the expense of substance, because it holds that nothing really is, so all we can learn is how things seem. When Obama's critics adopt this approach to flogging the president, something rotten ensues. Horowitz:
The plume of crude rising from the seabed is not only the worst environmental disaster in U.S. history, darkening the gulf and thousands of lives and pervading the nation with a sense of helplessness, it is a metaphor for Obama's loss of control, a revealing moment to study our protagonist. Will he feel the seafarer's pain? Will he shake with fury? Will he weep tears into the salty sea? Sing to me, Muse, of the wrath of Washington's Achilles.
Yep, there's that phrase again -- sense of helplessness, as opposed to really being helpless, which assuredly we are not. Our sense of helplessness, no doubt, is deepened by a federal bureaucracy which is actually counteracting the ability of proactive locals to help themselves. But at the same time, Horowitz is right that we are suckers for senses of things. They make us less accountable to ourselves: who cares what's really happening to me -- what matters is how we feel! Notice how both verb and subject undergo a metamorphosis. Welch remarks:
Narrative obsession is what happens when facts and public policies are too hard to sort through. Meta is an abdication of micro, and a perpetuator of lazy generalizations and outright falsehoods, for which we all suffer.
But careful: seeking solace in wonkitude -- in policy microanalysis, in data, in technical expertise -- steers us clear of one set of perils and plunges us into another. We make a huge mistake to imagine that there is no alternative to politics as theater other than politics as engineering. Rather than art or science ruling politics, we can turn to philosophy to educate politics. Philosophy, in fact, is dedicated -- or at least classical philosophy is -- to the task of separating out what is from what merely seems to be. Welch would pit postmodern narrative against modern science, championing the latter and pretending as if a third option, classical wisdom, did not exist. And Horowitz worsens matters by reducing the classical view -- bye bye Socrates -- to the pagan poetry of Homer.
The ultimate sense of helplessness, as Hamlet explained, was to no longer know what is and what isn't. To be, in such dire straits, is to be unsure whether to be. And the foundation of governance, including self-governance, is to say, as Hamlet said in one of his better moments:
Seems, madam! nay it is; I know not 'seems.'
In Hamlet, the grown-up scientific alternative to Hamlet's undergraduate narrative obsession was the courtroom and backroom politicking of Polonius and Claudius, more monstrous compartmentalizers than Clinton and more devoted micromanagers than Carter. They were experts at sorting through public as well as private policies which perpetuated outright falsehoods -- falsehoods from which all of Denmark suffered dearly. Neither Hamlet's histrionic politics nor the calculating politics of his uncle and his uncle's retainer cast light on what was most needful: a recovered recognition of the true order of things. That is where philosophy comes in. Without a philosophical education for our politics, we are doomed to exhaust ourselves obsessing over seeming and senses of things.